- Collection:
- Civil Rights Library of St. Augustine
- Title:
- Rosalie Gordon-Mills : Transcribed Interview
- Creator:
- Gordon-Mills, Rosalie
Edwards, Diana - Contributor to Resource:
- Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, University of Florida
- Date of Original:
- 1990-09-23
- Subject:
- Civil rights--United States--Florida
- People:
- Gordon-Mills, Rosalie
Edwards, Diana, 1943-
Collier, Joseph
King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
Peabody, Mary E. (Mary Elizabeth), 1891-1981
Hayling, Robert Bagner
Jenkins, Clyde Lee, 1919-1997
Kinard, William D., -1963
Eubanks, Goldie
Mason, Otis T., 1838-1908
Jones, Malcolm
Hadley, Rudolph
Puryear, Royal W.
Twine, Henry - Location:
- United States, Florida, 28.75054, -82.5001
- Medium:
- transcripts
- Type:
- Text
- Format:
- application/pdf
- Description:
- Interview with Rosalie Gordon-Mills, St. Augustine resident and civil rights activist. Begins with her and her family's history, her education, and marriage. While living in St. Augustine, she sees the inequality, but does not wish to get involved in the demonstrations. She details the events in St. Augustine and the dangerous element of the demonstrations. She describes her candidacy in the city commissioner election and her time as a teacher.
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA ORAL HlSTORY PROJECT Interviewee: Rosalie Gordon .. Mills Interviewer: Diana Edwards September 23, 1990 E: This is an in1erview >A1ith Rosalie Gordon-Mills in St. Augustine. Today is September 23, 1990, and I am Diana Edwards. We can start by figuring out what you should tell me. Feel free to talk about whatever topic that you think is important. Let us start [though) by your telling us who you are., your full name, and \\'ho your parents were and what they did. Tell us a bit about your family background. G: My name is Rosalie Gordon·Mills. E: What was your maiden name? G: Rosalie Robinson. Now it is Rosalie Robinson Gordon-Mills. I was born in Tallahassee, about three miles from the downtown area. My parents were from Tallahassee, both of them. B: What were their names? G: Arthur Howard Robinson ond Collie Eliz.a Ferrell Robinson. E: What was her maiden namc1 G: Callie Eliz.a Ferrell Robinson. She was a teacher, and he was a farmer. His specialty was the milk dairy, which he produced and shipped to Jacksonville and other places south for a number of years. She became a teacher because my patemal grandmother was a slave, and she taught right after slavery [was abolished]. Orandrnother's idea to becorne a teacher had developed when she was a maid in the home of very well-to-do people in the Tallahassee area. She had been given the responsibility of taking care or the little girl who was the madame's daughter. E: Do you remember the family's name? G: No, 1 do not. She told me this years ago, but I guess I was too young to really put it on paper and know who she was talking about. Anyway, she said she had had only this one job and had worked for these people as a litlle girl and then as a teenager. When she became old enough to go to school with the madame's daughter, the madame gave her the responsibility of taking care of the daughter•·takjng her lunchbox to school, seeing that she ate her lunch and washed her hands after lunch and so forth, and [making sure she) went back to c.lass. She [Grandmother) was supposed to sit in the back of the clossroom and wait for the madame to come out every day and •akc her home . • 1 • She· said that it was easy to watch what was happening in the classroom, although she [was] sitting in the back of the r()()m. She knew what went on in the front of the room, and she learned a lot. It was against the law for black people to read, so nobody could say that she was learning. She did not tell anybody. But when the lady's daughter got into trouble with her sehoolwork, my grandmother said, "I can help her." The madame said: "If you can help her, Henrietta, you do that because I need you to help her. We are not going to tell anybody that you know as much as you do and that you read.· E: What would have happened to her if people had known she could read and write? G: Well, I do not know. She might have failed. I have tried to find out from her grandmother if the child would have failed in school had she not been there. She seemed to have thought she was somewhat retarded. There was not that much on retardation at that point Anyway, my grandmother said tho.t she worked hard with her and went to school with her until the slaves were freed. \Vhen the slaves were freed, my grandmother was well on her way to getting a good basic education. She pursued this business of getting schooling. She was one of the first black women to be given a school, a one--tc.achcr school. She had a lot of pupils and a lot of classes in the same room, but it was a job, and it was a vocation. E: Right. And this would have been right after the Civil War? G: Yes, right after the Civil War. My grandmother had twelve children, and all of them lived to be grown but two. My father was the oldest of the twelve. After he and my mother were married, my mother was intrigued with her mother·in·1aw•s [education and vocation). ~iy mother had been to school because she was not born in slavery, but she lea.med from my grandmother how to get a certificate and how to have a one·teacher school, how to drive the buggy and take care of the kids and get to school on time. I followed the pattern or my grandmother bY sitting in the back of the room by going to school with my mother every day. E: Oh, you did? G: I sat in the back of my mother's classroom, and I leamcd to read and write and all this stuff. When my mother found out that I was reading, she was in shock because she had not taught me anything about reading. She thought I was not quite ready. I had just picked it up from crawling around, playing - 2 - with my toys in the back of the classroom. So I enjoyed teaming that my mother and my grandmother star1ed off with one-room schoolhouses. My grandmother did a lot of this [teaching) when I was very small, but then she gave up teaching because her kids ·were all grown and my grandfather had died. She did not want to keep on working, so she retired. My mother kept on teaching. and she moved on to beUer jobs and so forth. To make a long story short about Tallahassee, when I came along, I went to elementary school at Florida A &. M University [FAMU]. There was an elementary and a high school there in those days. E: Were they part of the education department of Florida A &. M? 0: The school provided the elementary school for the children of the professors. Of course, it was open to anybody else who wanted to send their kids to school in that area. There were a lot of walk·in kids that lived around c.ampus. I did not live near the campus, but I came in as a boarding student with a family on campus and went to the elementary school. E: You were a boarder even in e lementary school? G: Y cs, I was a boarder in the elementary school. Although J was from Tallahassee, it was too far to get from my house to the elementary school, which was beyond the college, every morning. I had great difficulty [getting there] and back home. E: And your mother was slill teaching, so she would not be able to take you? G: Yes, my mother was employed, and my father was busy with shipping his milk, so they had me board-in with this family. E: You have two brothers? 0: I have two brothers. My mother lost two babies in her lifetime. One was about two, and one was about one and a half. So she had three left [al that time]. She had six kids all together: two died as babies, one died as a young man, and three reached maturity. E: Did the two die of one of the childhood diseases? G: Yes. One had whooping cough, and one had pneumonia. They did not ha\'C any of the [modern) drugs. That left four of us. She lost her oldest boy when he was a young man playing foolball at Talladega College [in Talladega, • 3 • Alabama). He had pneumonia. He played football one day in the rain and developed pneumonia. They did not have sulfa dn1g.s at that point. This was in 1931. So she really lost three children. E: So she had six? G: Yes. E: Arc your brothers younger than you or older? G: I am the oldest child. The brother that died was next to me by ten months. Of the two boys who are living, one is a physician in Lumberton, North Carolina. He is married and has one child. The other is a lawyer in Washington, O.C. He has two children. E: Why did the one go to Lumberton? G: The one· that studied and went to Lumberton wanted to be a country doctor. He always wanted to be a country doctor. As a little boy he wanted to study medicine to be a country doctor. Somehow I guess he did not think of drifting back to St. Augustine. I always wondered about that. He could have been a nice country doctor here. But when I came here after I graduated from college (I am getting a little bit ahe.ad of myself) there were four black physicians here at that point. Now we do not have any. E: There were four? G: Well, there were three ph)"icians and one pharmacist. They called the pharmacists doctors in those days, so that is why I said there were four doctors. There were three physicians and one pharmacist. Anyway, the brother who is in Washington, DC, studied law because he always wanted to be a lawyer. Let me back up. We came from Tallahassee to St. Augustine when President Joseph A. Collier. who was president of the Florida Memorial College here, came to Tallahassee to deliver a commencement address. !In 1912 it was St. Augustine Industrial School. The college has since moved to Miami.] I was a little gjrl, and my mother had a very good friend on campus who wanted her to meet President Collier because she wanted my mother to have my father sell the farm and leave Tallahassee so that he could make more money and they could give the kids a better education than they could on the farm. My father was not much for that because he had the two white horses and the carriage. Every child had a horse, and he thought he was about as big a wig . 4 . as one could be on the hill in a nice house. [laughter] He thought he was doing very well, but my mother had different ideas. She just said that eash flow was not good enough and that they needed better jobs. So President Collier did come and have dinner with us after he delivered the commencement address that year, and he asked my father, ·Arc you matricd to this beautiful place you have here?" My father said: "No, not really. If you want to show me something beUcr, [I would be intcr~tcd)." E: Whal year was that? G: I was trying to think what year that was. I would have to go to my records to see what year that was. But we were all small. ] was still in high school, and my brothers were seniors in elementary school. My brothers came home to St Augustine with my parents, but I stayed on and boarded and finished high school in Tallahassee. E: That would have been somewhere around about 1920? G: Oh, no, this was much before that. I just do not want to take the time that we have because 1 might be so wrong. It was a long time ago. My brothers were young. [It was probably around 1912.) E: You did not tell me the year you were born. Did you mean to leave that out? !laughter) G: I was born May 6, 1907. E: May 6 is my son's birthday! Those are good people, those May 6 people. G: Right. Beautiful. [laughter) So President Collier did make it attractive for my father to take charge of the agriculture at the college, and my mother [was hired] as a teacher. E: At Florida Memorial [formerly St Augustine Industrial]? G: At the college. They both accepted jobs and moved to St. Augusline. E: Oh, I did not know that was how you ended up here. G: That is how I ca.me here. I did not come here then. That is how they came here; that is how the family came. It was a lot of years before I got here. I stayed on and finished high school and then went to Florida A &. M. I went home summers and then went back to FAMU. They did not understand this - 5 - at Florida Memorial, because they could not understand why I did not come with the family and just stay. I had started my high school there, so I wanted to finish there. Then when I finished, I did not want to come here to go to college. I wanted to go to Boston University. That was in the back of my mind. E: How did you decide on Boston University instead of Collier·Blocker? G: Well, I was more interested in knowing the other side of the coin. I wanted to live in a place that was not segregated. I wanted to go to a school that was not segregated. I just wanted to know what mo.de the world tick. E: Had you ever been up North? G: I had been as far as Washington, DC. That is about mid·way. 111at was about the extent of my travels. E: Had you gone there with your family? G: No. When I was in Tallahassee, I was always elected to be the representath•c of some conference--the Y\VCA or whatever--and I was a delegate here· and a delegate there. I did a lot of traveling in Tennessee. That is how I went to Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, that is howl went to St. Augustine's [College] in (Raleigh,] North Carolina, and just lots of places. They sent me because I would come back and give a good report. I worked hard on campus as an officer of the YWCA, so I got to travel a Jot when I was young. But I did not go up North. Somewhere deep inside of me was this burning: desire to know the other side of the coin, so I decided that I would keep up this vision and figure out a way to do this. Although my parents had better jobs and had more money, they still did not have that kind of money to send me [to the) North and to pay that kind of tuition. E: Did they think it was a good idea for you to go north'? G: They did not think it was a good idea to begin with because my father had heard how girls walking the streets of New York would fall in those vents on the street and would be carried away to some foreign country and never be heard from again. E: Oh, dear! That is pretty •cary. (laughter) . 6 . G: I still will not walk on a vent in New York. (laughter! I did not have the money, and I did not worry about it. I worried more about getting my father's consent. My mother always thought I was smart, and she was always willing to hc.ar my side of anything. I was not too ambitious for her, but I was much too ambitious for my father. It worried him a lot. I was the only girl and his favorite child, but he did not have the control that he wanted because he could not control my mind. This bothered him, too. So he thought: ·1 will just flatly refuse to let her go, and that will settle that. I do not want to hear any talk about it." I heard my mother say to him one night (they did not know that I was still awake): "If she still wants to go anyway, it will be awfully embarrassing. Don't you think it would be much better to give her your blessing and whatever else you have that you could give her?" E: Your mother was pretty smart. G: That is right. My mother was a very smart cookie. She said: "I think that would be so much nicer. She will take care of herself. She is a good girl, and she will come back." He said, "Yes, but you do not kno\li' what condition she will come back in: My mother said: "Let's not cross any bridges. Just give her a chance and let her try." He said, "What will she use for money?' My mother said: "'That is a good idea. \Vhat will she use for money? She seems to have it all mapped out." Well, I had taken typing and shorthand in high school, and I thought I was good. I had taken home economics, and 1 had lived in Tallahalf.Sce. 1lu:re were very few summers that I did not take a whole lot of stuff. \Vhatever I could take, I would take. I learned how to sew, how to cook, how to type, how to write shorthand, and I thought that some of those skjlls would be salable. I thought if push came to shove, I could scrub floors. I did not know if they paid well for scrubbing floors. Whatever it took, that is what I was willing to do. Somehow it got through to President Collier that I was planning on leaving as soon as I graduated and that nobody was able to talk me out of it. He said: "I will tell you what we will do. If Miss Felder· (his secretary) ·wants to go on vacation, we will hire ~iiss Robinson to run the oflice for us while she is away. Miss Felder and I v..•ill both take our vacations at the same time, and we will leave her in charge. She will open the mail and answer it, and do the best she can with the situation. She will work with Miss Bloc.ker." Miss Blocker was the lady that was sort of assistant president. The two of them had founded the school together. I did, and they paid me well. I used that. Anyway, I had heard that you could get the boat to New York by way of Savannah. If you went to Savannah and took the Savannah Line, you could • 7 - get to New York for half the fare of what you would pay on the train or the Clyde Line out of Jacksonville. I took the train to Savannah and took the Savannah Line to New York. By the way, when the Savannah Linc arrived in New York harbor and I looked out the porthole and saw the city of New York, I thought I had died and gone to he.aven. (laughter] It was so be.autiful. I think someday I am going to get somebody to make a picture of New York harbor coming from the south. You just have no idea how beautiful it is. It was just like one castle arter another. I said. "'This is really beautiful." Anyway, I stayed in New York for a week and then went on to Boston. E: What year was this? G: This was in 1920-somcthing. I have all of this somewhere. I went to Boston by train. E: Who did you stay with in New York? Did you know anybody there? G: Yes, I had some friends that met me at the pier. They took me to their home and showed me a nice time. When r got to Boston, there was a lady in Boston who had been on the faculty at Aorida Memorial, and she met me at the train and took me to the family that had promised that if I came they would provide a room for me until I could find a bcUcr place. They did not want me to stay permanently, but this would be something temporary. I could get registered at sehool and do all !he things you have to do [without worrying about finding a place to live as well). Well, they had to take in African students, and these families would take students in the big cities. They lived in Cambridge about three or four blocks from Harvard University. But I had to ride the $frcci car from their house to Harvard. I had to go to Harvard Square and then took the subway train to Boston University. Boston University was not on the Charles River in those days; it was in the c:ity. Let me back up and tell you something. When I got to Cambridge, to this address on Parker Street where I was supposed to live, I had eighty dollars in my pocketbook. That was between me and my future. [laughter) Can you believe that? Almost any girl with good sense would say: "I made a big mistake here. This is not going to work. This is just not goin,g to work out: What do you do when you do not have any money and you are about to launch on a college career in a city like Boston or Cambridge? Here were all these people who have nothing but money, and you think you are going to do it? I thought I do not plan to go back home, so I had better figure out how I am going to do this. - 8 - E: I am here. 0: I am here. Here we go. Anyway, it all worked out very well. I had decided before I left home that I was going to work my way [through school). I was not going to ask my parents to even try to take care of me. Well, there was no question about that. They did not have that kind of money. The boys had to be taken care of. I do not know what they were paying to have the boys go to Florida Memorial. That is just too far back to remember, but they were taking care of the boys. They were looking forward to moving oil campus and buying a house in St. Augustine proper, at least building a house. They were not happy with our home situation on campus. Anyway, they were just not in a position to send money. E: Excuse me a minute. I forgot to ask your brothers' names. G; The one in Lumberton is Dr. Arthur James Robinson, and the one in Washington is attorney Albert C. Robinson. The Robinson boys. E: Thank you. I did not mean to interrupt. 0: That is all right. I was talking about the money. My landlady did not ask me how much money I had or did not have. She said: "The rent would be very reasonable. You can help me a lot if you are smart around the house. \Ve wilt go from there. You have to get out to see what you can do about your tuition and gelling registered and all that." I did, and I found that I just did not have enough money to start anything. E: You did not have enough for tuition, either? G: No. I did not have enough for tuition. Tuition then was $3,000. E: Oh, dear. G: Not only did I not have enough for tuition, I did not have enough for her. I did not have enough for my landlady. E: What did you do? G: I said I would get my records transferred from FAMU, because that had not been done, and I would take a job. My first priority was to find something that I could do. I did find a job. It was not all that great, but it was working after school in the bookkeeping at school and working on holidays. Then I got a lot of other work from other people that I met in the offices at school. They would give me work to take home, so I took home lots of papers to type - 9 - and got them back on time. Then sometimes I gave people in the library a hand. Instead of going to class I just worked that entire winter. That put me ahead. That summer I went to Harvard for summer school rather than Boston University beout anything." (laughter] E: You are not one for modesty. G: I told him I could do just about anything. He asked, "Can you take care of a party?" I said, "Oh, yes, I can take care of a party." "You can? Can you cook anything?" I said: •yes, I can cook anything. You just tell me what you want cooked and what you "'ant served at the party, and I will do it." So he said, "You need to talk with my wife." I said all right. He gave me her number and told me how to find her. Their house was between my house and Harvard University. I could walk from her house to my house, walk from her house to the store and back, and back to Harvard. I thought my goodness, this is too good to be t.rue. When I met the lady, she liked me. She said, "If you can take care or my teas and luncheons, I will give it all to you." E: She had to give regular luncheons and teas for faculty wives or something? G: She gave a lot of teas and luncheons and things for professors' wives and for visiting professors. Her husband was writing a book. There was always somebody in that house. They had plenty of money, but I worked for it. They did not give it oway. But they did have it. She was imprC$Scd that I knew how to do so many things, so she said: "I will tell you what to do first. . 10. Let me concentrate on the luncheon that I am hosting this Saturday. You are oul of school on Saturday." (I wu oul of school all weekend.) 'So T will make a list of what I want to serve, and I want you to get it in for me, and then I want you lo tell me whether or not you can fix it If you cannot fix ii, tell me what you cannot fix, and I will tell you who to hire to fix it for you. We will work together Ibis way. When ii is over, I will just give you a check for the whole thing, and you take oul your pay. You pay the bills. You do lhe shopping." I did the shopping, T did lhc hiring, I did all of her parties for the entire time I was there. E: The whole time you were in Boston. G: The entire time. E: Which professor was this, what family? G: From that summer until I left. You know, T am old and cannot recall the name, but that is one of the names thal will always [be with me]. I will think or it in a minute. \Vould you believe that? E: So you had a steady job the rest of the lime. 0: I had a steady job, plus what I was doing at the university I kept on doing. See, this was a summer thing. \Vhen winter eame and 1 was back at Boston University, T still had to work in the office and lake peoples' work home to do. Then I was so rich that I was sending my folks change: "This will help wilh the boys." (laughter] E: Oh, no. They must have. wondered how you were making so much money. G: What in the world is happening? I said, , have a good job, and I have two or three other jobs." E: And you had some left over from tuitjon and stuff? G: The thing about working in those days is you just did not have to be lazy. Once you were smart, you had it made. E: You could get plenty of jobs. G: You could gel jobs, people hired you, people paid you well, and they paid you for what you were capable of doing. She loved to have me around. She loved • 11 • my honesty and my integrity and my manoe.r and the way I was brought up. She just liked everything about me. Both of them did. They did not make it easy. They just treated me like you would treat a person that was hired, but it was so beautiful because I needed them much more than they would ever know. Anyway, that took care of the job situation, and I did not have to worry about having my tultion. I met a man at a party or somewhere [named) Ed Wick. It was just like I had two lives. Nobody on this side knew anything about the Rosalie Robinson on this side··that is, the sorority people [and) Countee Cullen [American poet and novelist prominent in the Harlem Renaissance, Ed.), the poet who took me out with my boyfriend. They did not know that I even worked. E: Really? G: Really. I thought it was wise when most of them had so much. It was wise not to tell them that I had so little. I think it was smart. Even now I sit down sometimes and wonder why it was that I never wanted them to know, and I sort of feel that I was right. E: Probably. G: You can hear your friends talk, and you can size up a lot from the conversation that you have at a dance or at a sorority meeting of whatever. You can fairly well judge what people think. I got the impression that [these) people were not very happy with people who were that poor. E: So you joined a sorority while you were at Boston University? G: Oh. yes, indeed. I wos made into the Alpha Kappa Alpha. l have been an Alpha all my life. I still am. Alpha Kappa Alpha is the oldest black sorority in America. I was mndc by this school into Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority. Countee Cullen, who was a budding poet at the time, was one of my best friends. E: How did you meet Cullen? G: They had a place called 464 and [one called) 558. 464 Mass. (Massachusetts) Avenue was sort of a gathering place for everybody from MIT [Massachusetts Institute of Technology), Harvard University, Boston University, Tufts [University), the University of Massachusetts--all the New England area, especially around the Boston and Cambridge area. Those people met at 464 or 558 every Sunday. • 12 - E: That was the street address? G: That was the street addresses of these charity houses, as they were called. They were social gatherings. These were teas, and people who were interested in coJlegc students put on these affairs because in the university you did not see a black face. Countee was at Harvard. This other boy was going with my best friend. Percy Junior was a scientist. He died some years back. He was a budding scientist. He was at Harvard. There was another man from London at Harvard who liked me very much and wanted to marry me and take me to London. He was not black. He was not invited to these affairs because he was not black. But 464 Massachusetts Avenue and 558 ~fassachusetts Avenue were definitely black gathering places, and this is where the black kids hung out on Sunday afternoons and Saturday nights, if they v.•ere free. E: Adults would sponsor these? G: Adults sponsored all these social gatherings. There were always those ladies who were teachers. doctors' wives, lawyers' wives··that scene. E: \Vhat did you do at these gatherings? \Vere there readings and so on? G: There would always be a program, and some of the participants were the college students. I was a dramatic reader when I was young. I learned early that if you had stage presence, that would get you places. I had been a public speaker in Tallahassee. I had won a prize in elocution. I won a prize in oratory. I beat out four or five boys in high school for the twenty·dollar gold piece prize. E: So you did not know what I was ta.lking about in the car, right? [laughter) G: I was just listening as you were telling me that you were panjcked (about giving a talk). But this begins early. I had no idea why I worked so hard at this speaking thing at Florida A &. M, but now I realize that it was one of the things that I really needed lo have, and I did. Some seasons in the year the churches would put on programs, would give what they called recitals. People played the pia.no or the violin, or maybe there would be two or three musical instruments. Then there would be a period when they would hnve a reader. They caUed it a reader, but it was a speaker that came in arid did a play-just one person. E: So this was common in churches to have these kinds of events. - 13 - G: Oh, yes, this was very common in churches, and sometimes at 464/558. Girls would come in and do dramatic readings. See, dramatic reading is something that is never done now, but it was very popular in my day. E: People here told me that Richard Twine did these plays at the church. Would that have been the same sort of thing, do you think? G: This might have been the same kind or thing. It was popular. See, this was a meeting place for blRck people, especially. Blac.k students in these white colleges always needed identity, needed people to work with them so they could meet other black kids like themselves from other colleges. That would have been the only way because the schools sponsored nothing. I sang in the choir at school, but I was the only black one. I had a lead [solo] at commencement, and I am not even a singer. (laughter] J do not know why I hod the leod. The song was Good·b~ Fortver. I do not know if you have ever heard it. ·Good·bye, good-bye, good·bye forever.• It went way up there, but I was trained to do it I do not think I had that much of a voice, but I think it was better than (most whites' voices]. See, black people have a gilt when it comes to music. Many of them have this gift, and 1 guess my gift was blossoming at that point. Anyway, I got the lead. But they would have these programs, and they were interesting, and they were helpful because black kids had the opportunity to meet the other people in Boston at that time. They would have never met them otherwise. We knew where they lived. Some or the girls lived in dormitories. Segregation was the predominant thing. If I had had enough money, I could not have lived in a donnitory. E: So even up North. the dormitories were segregated? G: Even up North the dormitories were segregated. Even when I went back to Boston to do my master's degree and I had married and had babies and whatnot, I lived at the Y while I was looking for a place. The dormitories still were not open. I was talking about meeting people and getting on in Boston. I actually had my life in pretty good shape at that point. But I had this terrible thing happen at school. One of my professors--who now I know ~·as sick, although at that time I did not know what his problem was-suggested that (I go back to Florida]. I was sort of upset about not getting my papers back, and he said that they were so poor that he had not given them back because he had not had time to mark all the things that were wrong with them. So he just put them aside and wanted to talk to me about going back to Florida. I hod had black teachers, and he said, '"You have never had white teachers, have you?· • 14 • I said, •A few in elementary school, a few who were doing work with the college, but most of my teachers were black." He said: "Well, I do not want to put that down, but I will say that you have not been prepared for this, and I do not think that you should upset yourself. Just withdraw and go back to Florida." I said: "Go back to Florida? Is it that bad? You are telling me that my work is so poor that I cannot make it?" E: What kind of a teacher was he? What course was he teaching? G: He was teaching my major; he was teaching English. That was my major, and if I could not do English to suit him, I needed to go back to Florida. I knew that I was good. At Tallahasody all at once. Dr. Gordon called me the next (day]. It was casual that night. E: Had Dr. Gordon just come to St. Augustine? He was not from St. Augustine, was he? G: No, Dr. Gordon was Panamanian by way of London, where he had gone to school, and by way of Boston and New York and Philadelphia and Washington, DC. These were places where he had studied. But he had not planned to live in Florida. He came here when he heard about making easy money-the boom town. He was going to practice dentistry for a while and then go back to New Jersey. He took the New Jersey board. E: So he came to St. Augustine because it was booming then? G: Yes. E: What year did he come here? G: He must have come here in 1925. He was here several years before I came. I met him, and he said: .. Do not go back to New York to tcac:h. You arc needed here." I said: "A lot or people are needed in a lot of places. You do not have to stay just because you are needed. I do not think that I want (to stay here)." Well, my father was pushing me to stay, and he was pushing me to stay. On our first date we talked almost all night. E: It is a wonder your father did not send you away then. (laughter) 0: I am telling you, he [Dr. Gordon) took me to a church--he was Episcopalian-and took me up on the bay front. There is a big house up on the bay front where there are steps all the way down to the waterfront, and you could sit - 19 - on the steps and look at the-moon and see how beautiful the water was. The Matanzas inlet is so pretty up there. I do not think that house is there anymore. Anyway, that is where the church had a dinner; his church had a dinner at this house. The people that owned the house were away in London, and they had left it. So the mission used the house for their dinner, so we went there for the dinner. We went up on this thing to look at the moon, and when we came down. all the baskets were packed up and all the food was gone. E: It must have been a good conversation. [laughter] G: That was the conversation o! my li!e. He asked, "Can you scramble an egg?" I said: "I can scramble an egg. but l do not know ir 1 can scramble an egg in my house at midnight. I do not know what my parents would think about that." So he-said, "\Vell, I am so hungry, and there is no restaurant; so we went in.side, and I scrambled some eggs and made some toast. \Ve sat do"'" quietly and ate it. I do not need to tell you the rest. [laughter) E: How long was it before you became engaged? G: I guess a !ew months. E: A.nd then you were married. In what year did you get married? G: 1930. E: That was a 1,ittle longer than you intended to stay in St. Augustine. G: Well, I had not planned lo slay in St. Augustine at all, and he had not planned it. But my parents were here, and they began !ailing apart very e.arly, especially my mother. I guess I did not have the courage (to leave them]. First I had a little boy; Rudolph was born. He was my first child. Teaching here was difficult because we were going into the Depression and there was not enough money. I was teaching, but I was not getting paid. E: \Vhere were you teaching at that time? G: I had only one job. E: At Excelsior [the public school for blacks in St. Augustine]? G: Yes. I had only one job in St. Johns County my whole life. E: Oh, really? • 20. G: That is right. I had one boss. E: So even when you moved to Ketterlinus School you stayed. G: The St. Johns County School Board was the boss. I worked under several principals, and I a.spired for the principalship at Excelsior School after they moved the school to Murray High because I was not particular about going out to the location of Murray High (on the western edge of town). 1 was unhappy about that, and I applied for the principalship of Excelsior. But they wanted to give it to a man. The black people said that Dr. Gordon made enough to take care of me, so they should give the principalship to a man who had to take care of a family. A black ought to have it. That made sense to the school board. See, the school board was not concerned about prepa.ration or personality. They were mostly concerned about who needed a job. For instance. when I got my m::1ster's in guidance, no white person had a degree in guidance. E: So you went back up to Beston after your baby was born? G: I went to Boston University after my children were bom and got my master's in guidance. E: So you had your master's degree when you applied for the principalship~ G: I had my master's degree when I applied for the principalship, and I also had gone back to Tallahassee and taken administration and supervision. I had all that on my certificate when I applied for the principalship. And I still did not get it. E: You did not need the job. G: No, I guess I was happier as a counselor for the la5t twenty·<:ight years. E: And you were broke? [laughter) G: Well, I really was, but I am a great believer in the good lord directing our lives. If we put our trust in himJ and turn our lives over to him, and ask him to guide us, then he takes charge. I always say he can look into the future and see what is good for you and what is not, and what should make your life and what cannot. Some decisions 1 never bothered to try to figure out because I was letting him do it. He has never failed me. He has always made the right decision. I would not have been happy as a principal, not as happy as I was as a counselor, and T would not have innuenced as many lives as a principal as I did as a counselor. So you see, what you think you want a lot - 21 - of times is not what is best for you, but at that time it seems like you are right. And that goes on through our whole lives. Every challenge, the way you meet it, the action you take, the decisions you make often are influenced by the way you really think when you think deep down in your heart where the lord operates. This is not you thinking. He is thinking through you and telling you what to do. That is what they call the "deep-down" thinking. Somehow he gets the message over to you, and then you go on from there. I never dreamed a decision. I never said, ·Lord, let me see the moon move"' or •t.ord, show me a star... That is not the way 1 do it. But it will reveal itself to me what to do just as I am talking to you. l have. learned how to do that. From having had a childhood that was basically made by me, I have learned that it works. h really works. You do not need to make these dee.p*down decisions without any help. E: That is true. So you were still teaching school in the 1960s here in St. Augustine. G: Yes. I was teaching when Martin Luther King, Jr., (was a leader in the civil rights movement). Dr. Gordon pa.'lSed away. I did not go into that part or it I have not even said anything about my children. I will back up just a little .. We were married and had two beautiful children: a boy and a girl. The little girl !Carlotta) wanted lo be a doctor, and the little boy (Rudolph) wanted to be a medical illustrator. We kept them here and sent them to the public school, where I taught, for elementary school and high school. Then we sent them to Massachusetts ror finishing school, thinking that a year in a finishing school would be adequate for my daughter and son to move on to a northern college because times had changed a lot from what happened in the Deep South, especially in the public schools here. I was at Florida A &. M (when I attended high school), which was a little different from a public school in St. Augustine. I think it was a little more thorough, you had a better choice or background, and you just had a better chance 1o get a more rounded (education). Plus you had the laboratories for your chemistry and physics and whatever else you were taking. TI1e chances were just a little better that your training would be a little more thorough. So 1 sent my daughter to Cushing Academy in Ashburnham, Massachusetts, for a year. Then she chose Wheaton College in Norton, Massachusetts, for her undergraduate [education). My son chose Lincoln Univerody had two. He was invited to join the staff at both hospitals, at East Coast Hospital and the Flagler Hospital, and that had never been done before. E: How did he get white patients? How did they hear about him? G: This is how they knew about his being a good dentist: If they were in an accident and their faces were all out of sorts and they had lost all their teeth or some of (their teeth) or whatnot, he could do a reconstruction. He just wanted a picture of what they looked like before this happened, and he would take them into the operating room and fix them up. E: So through his jobs at the hospitals he then developed his private practice. G: Through his jobs at these hospitals the people wanted him. First, if he extracted a tooth for a white person, that white person would tell another white person, "You ought to go to Or. Gordon on Bridge Street." He was up over the Iceberg [Drugstore) then. "You ought to go to him." Then if he had a patient, they would not go to anyl>ody else. That is how it built up through the years. He never told white people to come or black people to come. He said that black people would go to Jacksonville to keep from coming to him because they had a feeling that if they could go out of town to get their work done, then it would put a crimp on his style. That was his expression. meaning that he would not do so well if people took their business elsewhere. But he said he never gave them a reason to want to do that. He said, "I have friends that did not know that I knew that they went out of town to have their dental work done, and I was their friend." E: I do not understand why they would do that. G: I do not understand it either, but he said I.hose things happened. During the Depression he said he had a heck of a time trying to keep his books straight so that all the money he made would not be on the books. [Many accounts were on crcditHnever paid··so books looked better than reality. Ed.) This was a very poor community. He said, -White people began to find out about me, and that made it much better because I could then draw from the black community and the white community, and I could make a living: But then the black people got upset because U$ually if he had given them an appointment for 2:00, they would come around 1:00, hoping that they could get in a little earlier. Or if he did not give them an appointment at all, he told them, 'lf you want to come and wait, I will try to work you in." Then the room would be full. He just could not win. There would be people needing - 24 - another chair, and the black people would go to the back door and say, "Which door do you come in here?" He would say: '"That back door is my door to sneak off when I have to get a sandwich. You come in the front door where the waiting room is." They would say, "It is full of white people." He would say: 'They will not bite you, 1 promise. Just come in and sit down and be nice, and they will be nice to you: So he accomplished that. They sat down in the same room and waited for him, and they did not bite each other. E: This was in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s? G: Yes, ma'am, this was all of that, the 1930s, the 1940s, and 1950s. Martin Luther King had not been here, either. When I went to the doctor with my babies, my last doctor was not a black doctor, and he had a special chair for me in the hallway by the water fountain. He thought that because I was a doctor's wife he could not send me to the waiting room he had for black people because that would not be nice. I was not good enough, I guess, to sit in the waiting room he had for white people only. There was a sign: "\Vhitc Only; "Black Only." So he was confused as to what to do with me. E: Why did you go to him? G: I went to him because the black doctors did not practice in the hospital. The black doctor could be your doctor at your house, but he could not go to the hospital with you when your baby was born. No black doctor had ever been in the hospital to practice. E: None of them had practicing privileges in the hospitals? G: Or. Gordon was the only one I ever heard of for the poor. E: So if you did not have a midwife delivery, then you had to find a white doctor that would take you as a patient. G: Right, or a black doctor that would deliver you at your house. E: That was until when? G: Until the 1960s. I do not know if a black doctor could deliver you at the hospital now. I do not know any black doctor that is on the staff or who had been on the staff since Or. Gordon died. He did not deliver babies; he was a dentist--and the only black one, to my knowledge. E: ls there a black doctor in town now? • 2S. G: There is not one now, but there were black doctors, lots of them. But they would not come here because of this. They had no hospital privileges. E: So we lost the people we might have gotten because of that. G: We lost all our possibilities, yes. A black doctor's settling here was completely out of the question. E: And teaching in tho schools. when did they start integrating? G: The black kids went to the high school in the 1960s, I guess it must have been 1965 or something like that. I have to go to the history for that one. E: When did you first have a white student? G: Oh, I did not go as soon as the schools were integrated. I stayed in the black high school. I was head of the department at the black school, so I kept my job as a head counselor. I had my office in the black school. I was not anxious to move over because, like I said, there still were no white people in the county that had a master's degree in guidance, and this was a thing with the school board. They were worried about what to do with me because it was a very long time before they gave me a job and a salary and acknowledged the work that I had done in guidance. E: So even though you h"d a master's degree, it did not make a difference? G: They did not want to have somebody in the black school that they did not have in the white school, so they managed to get that straight by appointing someone that could do the job, I guess. I cannot remember just how they worked tho.t out, but they did want to have anything in any bJt'lck school thnt they did not have already in a white school. E: What was your sense of the community when black kids first started going to the white school? T guess that is how it was first. How did they decide who would go where? G: The first children, if I remember correctly, that went to other schools were volunteers. They wanted to go; they were willing to integrate. AH the children were not willing. Some really did not want to go. There had been so much fussing and fighting and things. That whole thing was pretty horrendous, those civil rights things: Martin Luther King and the whole business of getting the town integrated, getting the restaurants integrated, getting people to sit down and realize that they would not be bitten by each other. - 26 - E: They did not start the school integration until afler the 1964-1965 school year. G: The law passed; they had to pass the law first. After the law was passed, then the schools had to be integrated. But they did not force it on people. I think they started with volunteers. E: In what ways did your life change? What did you do when Martin Luther King was here when all the riots and mare.hes and so on (were going on]? G: Oh, when Martin Luther King was here in the crisis situation, I was a part or the solution, not the problem. [laughter] And I was proud to have been. E: By saying that, what do you mean? G: They had a lot of meetings. Martin Luther King did not just come here and appear in St. Augustine one day. He had a lot of workers that came here months and months [earlier] to teach people how to handle it, how not to get killed··that is really how to put it-how to march at night without being too afraid, how lo march period, [and] how to go to jail and not feel that your life had ended. My parents told me never to go to jail. They never wanted to hear that I was in jail. So going to jail was a bad thing, and they had to teach them that this was lhe way it had to be done. E: Did you go to any of the classes? G: Yes, I went to all of them. E: Oh, you did, G: Yes. Every time I got out of school, whenever ] got home (I was a widow during this period), I would rush around to get all my things done and gel ready for school the next day so I could attend the afternoon meetings they had for the children and lhe night meetings they had for the adults. E: Did most of the people in the community, in Lincolnville, go to the meetings? G: Yes, but very fe\\' of the people who were teachers. I think I was the only black woman who was a teacher. There were one or two black men. See, the threat went around that if you were involved in this, you might lose your job. E: Which was not an empty threat. G: It was not an empty threat, I imagine. Bui I do not think they ever had to prove it. They did not fire me, and nobody was ever unkind to me about it • 27. But they said that I got away with it because I could have taken care of myself in the event that I had gotten fired. I was well prepared and could have moved on. E: So they did not have any way to threaten you. G: Yes. but that would still be the punishment for doing it. I do not think they would have. I knew the superintendent, I knew all the board members, and I do not think anybody would have taken it out on me for being a pa.rt of it. Black teachers were just scared. They were scared of doing it, and they were also not very happy about being involved. I do not think they r~ally thought it was that important for them to be involved. E: Really? G: I think a lot of them thought it was something you let somebody else do. E: Bue were not the teachers and the ministers always the leaders in the community? If they did not take part, [the cause would be losl). G: You thought that, but that separated the men from the boys and the women from the girls. It was a whole different ballgame when it came down to ·Here we are. \Vhat day are you going to go to jail?'" See, the k.ids--the young people··really took the brunt of the whole terrible thing in that they were put in trucks and put in wire fence and put in jail, and there was not room enough [for them all). They were really mis1reated. E: The young people went to school. How young? G: Well, whenever they wanted to get themselves into trouble, they knew how lo do it. I cannot remember what they would do to get arrested. You had to do things to gel arrested, like going down to the drugstore and sitting at lhe counter. It v.·ould seem as if I was not there. The memory goes from you if you do not write some of this down. But they found reasons to arrest them, and they really did do it. 1 think that was a bad time for St. Augus1ine. That was a very bad time. But it was needed. People who sit down and say there was no need arc crazy. See, they had never been black. I have been black. I was bom black, and I know what you could do and what you could not, and I know how much it meant to be a second--class citizen, and r resented it. E: How did you feel when you went into a place that was for whiles only? • 28 . G: How would you feel if you went to the library and you were a teacher, and you carried your child, and your child is now a college student in another city, and you carry a child with a book and ask: "Do you think you have any of this reference material? Could you let us take it home for the weekend to use and then (let us) bring it back (Monday), since you will be closed Saturday and Sunday? Will that interfere with your program?" and then they shut the door on your foot? You have to move your foot to keep them from doing that, and they hurt your toe. E: And the librarian ~new who you were? G: The librarian knew. E: And this was a public library? G: This was a public library. (Later,) when you could get a card and you were black, I never wanted a card. E: You could not get a card there, could you? G: I thought I would never go in that building again. I do go to the new library, but I could not go back to the other one. That is how bad it was. She said, ·no not blame me-. I just work here: Of course, you know I wanted to hit her. E: Was your daughter with you at the time? G: My daughter said, "This is the place you chose to call home?" She tried to chastise me. I said: lhis is home, and this is your home. We just have to work on it." She loves St. Augustine, but she knows, too, the price some of us paid to call this home. We paid a big price. If you were black,, you paid it because it was not automatic that you were a citi:ien. You were just somebody that lived here and had a brown face. E: So you think most of the people in the Lincolnville community, anyway, were behind the movement? They wore ready to do (what they had to do)? G: Yes, everybody was behind the movement. Most of these people walked at night. A lot of them went to jail. See, 1 am not non-violent, a.nd I knew I was not. I told the men that were working for King that there were things I could do. I could make contributions, I could help with dinners, I could help prepare for the bigwigs. Martin Luther King himself came, and I was glad to bE' a part of the preparations of the dinners and stuff. But I could not march. I do not march at night (in areas) with bushes where people are going to jump • 29 - out and hit me with a stick htra.tion at the White House. E: What does she do there? G: She is some kind of liaison ~rson in the offic-e. She has to arrange to meet people who come to see the president. They have to come to the office where she works first. E: That must be pretty exciting for her. G: It is, very. . 35. E: Which brings me to something we almost forgot. You ran for office here once. Could you tell me about your own political life? G: Let me go back. In 1965, right after the Civil Rights Act was passed, people thought, citizens thought, everybody thought that the black people needed to do something more than just gelling integrated and gelling the Civil Rights Act. They needed to be in the political scene, as well. if St. Augustine was going to thrive and if blacks were going to prosper in this new stale of being. J will not say rr~e. but fiNt .. class citiiens. A group of men from various churches .. . E: From the black churches or black and white churches? G: Black churches only .... came here on a Sunday night right after services and rang my bell. [There were] about ten of them. They wanted to know if I would be willing to be a candidate for the city commission. [ wanted to say, "'Are you crazy or something?" E: What was their thinking? They must have had a list and said, "All right, she is going to be the one." G: All of them agreed that I was perhaps the only black person in St. Augustine that could win. E: Wh>t made them deody lhat you have to work with to get funds. Then, what was worse, the Ching thal really gave me heart trouble, was afler I found the building that we should buy that would meet our needs, then our money did not come up fast enough, and they sold the building at auclion. The people that owned the building needed the money, so they put the bujlding up for sale at auction. And here is somebody that was going to come in and bid on something that you really had your eyes on for some time. I Chink that anybody thal gets involved in buying property from somebody, or buying anything from somebody else, with somebody else's money is really crazy. It is unbelievable. Anyway, I said: ·1 think I am going to die today, Lord. Please help me jusl keep on breathing." 1 went to the auction, and ihc other people on counsel said: "Why bolher? Jusl give ii up." A black minister said: "I think I am going to get your daughter's address. I need to write her to tell her that you are going to have a stroke or something worrying with this. First of all, the people on the board do not think you can do it. The people in the community Chink that you have lost your mind. They think that you ought to give it up. You do not need to struggle like this to do something that you cannot do and you know you cannot do. You know v.•hcn you cannot. I see how tired you are: I just listened. When he finished, I said: "Do me a favor. Do nol ask my daughter because she is the kind of person thal I am. She will close her office and come here to help me do it, and she cannot afford to do chat right now." (laughter) E: So you went to the auction? G: I went to the auction, and they auctioned the building. A woman from Jacksonville bought ii. She had plenty of money. They started pulling (fixtures) out (of) Chat building lhe minute they finished. Somebody would come up to her and ask, ·oo you need so-and-so?· They would have a truck, and they would start pulling the kitchen apart. Somebody else would come and pick up (other parts). I bought all the chairs and tables, and I did not know where to put lhem. People went crazy . . 45. E: Where did you put them? In Echo House? G: No. Do you know the man that bought Marty's restaurant? You know it is nice to have friends. I had been talking to them a lot about raising money, and they had been talking to me. I went there sometimes when I \\'a$ very tired and needed a meal. I would sit down and talk. One of the young men said: "We have a building. We will help you with those tables and chairs. Just put them on a truck and bring them out here. We will store them for you.* E: Oh, that was good. G: I said, "Now, if I do not get the building ever, what will I do with the tables and chairs?" "Sell them," they said. -rhey are good tables and chairs. You could sell them." E: So you had to look for another building, then, at that point? G: I did not look for another building. I am a little ahead of what happened that night, after the auction. Alter the auction, I did not get to talk to her [the woman who bought the building) because there were so many people. There were just lines of people wanting to know what she was going to do [with this and that). I waited until 9:00 the next morning, which was Saturday. I stayed up just about all night so I would be sure that at 9:00 on the dot I would ring her phone. I asked her if she had any special plans for the building. and she sa.id, "Not really. I am just investing, and I thought that it would be a good buy. My son might want to make a skating rink." I thought seeing how it is suc.h a beautiful building, to make a skating rink out of it would be murder! E: Was this the building on Mission Avenue? 0: Yes. E: Oh, so it is the building. 0: Yes, that is the building. I asked her: "Would you mind talking to some people about the building? Would you come to us, or would you let us come to you? We have been working for weeks and weeks trying to get it for the elderly: She said: ·1 will come over. I will drive myself over Monday: So Beverly Holland, who was the director of the food $Crviccs, went with me to talk with her. We struck up a friendship that day. She waited until we got enough money. She did not sell the building. During the time that we did not have enough money, she was offered $300,000, and she still held out. But • 46. prayer did that. Child, if your hand is in the good lord's, I am sure it is just right where it ought to be, and nothing will happen to you. E: So your hand was in the lord's, and you got the building. G: Honey, I prayed every day, every night, all day, all night for the lord to help us do this and help us to do that. And it happened. She said, "Pay the truces, just pay the truces." I am trying to think how Jong it took us to get tho money together, but I know it took about six years for the whole process, before it got all settled. We moved on pretty fast after that. The thing that impressed me so much was the fact that nobody believed we could do it Nobody believed I could do it as chairperson. Then, after I did it, everybody was in shock that I had done it, and I still do not understand any of that. E: When did the building open? When was the formal opening for the Council on Aging? G: I should have that date on the tip of my tongue, but I do not. I would have to look that up for you. E: Well, I know I went to a sort of "thank-you" celebration, but that was after it was opened, so I do not know the date, either. G: That was the second celebration. That was a long time after. See, that all came about after the presidential award. A group of people [had] decided this was such an outstanding thing that I had done that the president needed to know about it so I could be listed as one of those people on his list for the presidential award or initiative. E: Do you mean President Reagan? G: Reagan [gave me the award for] community initiative. That celebration was held at the Ponce de Leon [Hotel[. I guess we had been in there about two years before that happened. The one good thing is they were trying to decide what to name it The board wanted to come up with a name, and somebody suggested that since I had done everything almost single-handedly, why not name it the Rosalie Gordon Center? Some people were very happy about that. I think this one that you attended was one of those where they were saying we are sorry that we did not do that, but we wanted you to know that we appre-ciated your work. T did not care what they named it. 1 was so happy, I was so glad that it went through all right and that it was a success. I did not care if they named it the - 47 - 1imbulctu. Whatever they wanted to name it [was fine with me}. T did not do it for the honor; that is the point. I did not do all that work for the honor. J did it because I wanted to do it. That was my contribution to the people that needed me. I am just like that. I did not want the award. I do not care what they name it. Somebody said, "'They are going to name it (in your honor] after you die." I said: "I do not care if they name it after I die. That is all right." See, I did ask the people that objected. I was curious. [Someone was asked:] "Off the record, I wonder what bothered you about the whole thing because you were one of the few people that really knew who did it and how it was done. You were here. You were on the board. First you were a worker, and then you were on the board, so there is nothing that you missed." The person said she did not want to talk about it. (laughter] She did not want to talk about it. so I know what it was. It is going to have the name of a black woman in [a) comnlunity that is not predominantly black. Her name is going to be on tho top of our building? It will never happen here. E: Do you think that was the reason? G: I do not have to think about it. I know that is what it was. E: I did not realize that G: A lot of people are very prejudiced in this place, and a lot or people manage to hide their prejudice. You do not really know what they think until they get in a bind, and then they come through for you. She said she did not want to talk about it. E: Speaking of that, in what ways do you think St. Augustine has changed the most as far as integration? II ask that] because it is still very segregated. On a social level there is almost no integration yet. G: I think people that are very prejudiced have to die because it [prejudice] is something [that runs deep]. It is very hard to educate people to think this way, so if they do not already think this way and nobody is helping them to change and they are not making any effort to change, how will the change occur'? It is just like the schools. The children all sit down and eat together, the black ones and the white ones. When I was transferred to the white school and was over the student council at Ketterlinus .. J always carried a student council wherever I go; I set up one here at Excelsior, I set up one- at St. Augustine High, and then I went down to Kellerlinus and set up one there; • 48 . I always tried to have a good student council wherever I am··I asked the president of the student council if he would take a black person to lunch. We would just have a day to take somebody that did not look like them to lunch as my guest. He said he could not do that. And he is the nicest president you would ever want to have. He is the hardest worker. But he could not do that: he could not do that because he did not think that would go well with the kids. He did not think it would go well, so he did not want to initiate that kind of thing. E: What year was this? G: This was 1974 or 1975. II was sometime in the 1970.. Now, today in the 1990s, if you go into any of the schools, most of the little black boys are logelher, and the little white ones are together. Small children, large children, middle-size children. Just go to the teachers, the adults, and see how many black ones will integrate themselves, how many white ones will integrate themselves. E: Not many, I think. At least when I was substituting in the schools I did not see that there was any integrating. G: I will not go into a crowd of people and single out a black person to talk to, but most black people will, and most white people will. Very few white people will come in a room that is filled with black and white people and talk to a black person because it is difficult for them. E: Why? G: I do not really know because I am not one of those persons. I do not have a feeling about how a person has to look. I do not have a thing about what I should do or say. I just like people. I have some very close people that I love that do not look like me, and vice versa. So I would not be a good judge as to what goes on in their minds. But I will say this: they are very adamant about it. They are very determined that you do not have this change because they do not do anything to make it happen. I do not know how much integratlon has really taken place. I think the churches try a little, organi:r.ations try a little, the schools try a little, but I think what most people really want is that it will not happen. E: You go to St. Paul's church? G: No, I am Episcopalian. My church is down on the corner of Lovett and Martin Luther King. • 49 • E: So do white people go there? G: Yes. They do not ·go there· as such, but when we have special occasions and invite them, they come. But very few white people just show up for services. They do sometimes. E: I have fumed up a coupfe o( times for something at the church down the street here, St. Paul's ... G: It is predominantly black. E: .. . and the only time I have seen a white person is when it was a political (function), when one of the commissioners or somebody like that had to be there. The church that I usually go to downtown ... G: Which is white. E: ... I think I have seen a black person there once from out of town. G: So the churches are not doing it. I think the black people are as much to blame as the whites. I also think that there was so much water over the dam about the c:ivil rights thing that a lot of people have not gotten over the bitterness. Black people really had an opportunity to see first-hand what some people thought about them. It is one thing to think what somebody thinks about you, but it is another Ching to think somebody ii going to jump out of the bushes and hit you. That is the differences. Some black people were turned away from churches downtown because they had shown up for services. The excuse of the Episcopal church was that they were not Episcopalians, that they just showed up there because they wanted to prove something, which might have been true. A lot of black people went to a lot of churches trying to prove that they could not go. Be that as it may, it lelt a bad taste. That was an unkind thing to do. Now that people can go everywhere, a lot of people will not. In the South it is crazy; it is reaJJy crazy. My church is a mission. and it is poor. [ c:annot tell you how I wish it were not as poor as it is, and I cannot tell how happy I would be if I did not have to struggle every day just to keep the doors open at my church. E: Do you think if would be less poor if it were not segregated? G: 01 course. It would be less because there would be more members, there would be more people giving and more people sharing. All I need to do is move my membership to Trinity, but I do not want to do that either . . 50 - E: Trinity was, for a time at the tum of the century or somewhere earlier. integrated, was it not? G: Not to my knowledge. E: Well . when I was working on my Twine research I saw the marriage certificate, and the Twines were actually married by the Episcopal minister. G: That is because they did not have a black one. E: Woll, they were Catholics later, so one of them must have been Episcopalian. G: One of them could have been Episcopalian. E: There are a lot of black ministers in town. Surely they would have been able to find a black one. G: Yes, but perhaps they were not going to have a black minister marry them. Sec., the black ministers were not Episcopalians-they were Catholic. So if you were Catholic or Episcopalian, you were married by a white minister because there were no black ones. That is how that was. E: That reminds me of something else I wanted to ask you. You said you did not know Richard Twine, the photographer, because he had left town before you came. But you did s.ay, when J asked you about his sisters who were here in town for a long time, that one had lived down the street from &cclsior school. G: Yes. E: How would you describe the family? G: They were just to themselves all the time. They were just very quiet people who did not associate with people in the-community much, or did not know others. I guess you would say they re3Jly did not know other people. J did not know them, and I think I have been pretty outgoing in this community. I have been a pretty busy bee. E: I think so. G: And I did not know them very well. I do not remember what they looked like. But they did not come to the school or to any of the activities that we had. The school was, I would say, the center of any social activity, like plays, contests, speaking engagements of aJI kinds, musical events. I never saw them • 51 • there through the years. So I would assume that they were two old ladies who were just always happy to be at home. Some people live that way--to the store, back home, and to church. E: And that was it. G: Yes. I have not found anybody that says any different. E: Well, we may not find anybody that knew them very well, then. G: You may not. It is just hard to tell where to go from there. I cannot help you at all. It is terrible. E: Well, to sum up, are there things that I should have asked you that I did not about your life or projects or things you have been involved in, things that were important to you? G: Well, this black studies library ..• E: That is right. \Ve have not talked about &ho House. G: Echo House is very important to me. I do not have a grant. E: Describe your idea of what you want to do and where. G: This is what I really want to see happen: I feel that black children are not getting any knowledge about their own heritage from any other place. There are people that live here that do not know that ·Bethune-Cookman College is in Daytona Beach and is a black college, and they have never been there. They are old, and they live in St. Augustine. E: You mean that older black people do not know that? G: There are some old black people that live here that have never been there; therefore, young black people here have no concept whatever of where the.y ca.me from or \\'hat they [their ancestors] were like or who was out there that did a good job before them and was black. So I think it will give this little city a lift if that could really happen, if it could come to pass. That would be a black heritage thing. E: So you would like to have a library with exhibits and books and films? G: Yes, I would like to have a library and memorabilia of all kinds, and just make it a center for everybody . • 52 - E: And you have a building for that down on Martin Luther King Street. G: That is right. I have the building on Martin Luther King, but I do not have a grant. I do not have money. I really do need a grant, and I really do need money to help with the day-to-day thing$ that I am not able to do. I am not able to do as much volunteer work as I have done in the past. E: I think if you had all the energy that you put into the Council on Aging •. . G: I could do a lot more. I do not have that kind of energy anymore. Because of the drug thing in Lincolnville I cannot get the volunteers that I could have gotten at one time in my life. E: Because people are afraid to be down there? G: They do not want to come because they do not like people hanging around. They do not like that, and I do not like that either. Until we take the building back, what we are going to do is sit aroond ourselves and look stupid, and they will go away to some other area. E: How did you describe that plan? Six or seven old ladies were going to sit down there and chase them away? [laughter! G: Just sit there and look stupid all afternoon, and they will get disgusted. They cannot have a drug transacfion with these old ladies sifting there looking at them. So we worked it all out. E: So who are your cohorts in this? G: I really do not know yet. A lot of people have talked. but when it comes time to sit down there and do the work, now, that is another thing. I think I can depend on at least twelve old ladies to take turru:, three or four at a time. See, you have to do this all day. It is not like you could put in two or three hour.; because the minute you leave they will be back. E: Would you be in the building, or would you be just sort of hanging around outside? G: \Ve would be in and out, hanging around, just like they do. They do not come in the building, but they break windows and do damage and sit on the fence. E: Now, do you think you would be safe doing that? - 53 - -- - ------------ --------- G: Oh, yes. They would not attack us or anything. It is just that we do not like their being around. We classify them as undesirables. If you do not know them, they seem like strangers with nothing to do. Some people do know them, but it has been so Jong since I was in the classroom I would not know anybody that young. So I am trying to find some grandmothers that have some grandsons out there. (laughter) E: I think that is a good idea. Have you heard of the women's groups that do this thing called "Take Back the Night"? The women go in a huge group and sort of march down the streets that are dangerous and sort of take back their freedom to walk on the streets. G: Yes, that is right. E: This will be a grandmothers' march to take back the neighborhood. (laughter) G: Take back the neighborhood, that is exactly what it is. E: That is great. G: There is a young woman that I am going to try to get as the chairperson. and the first time we talked about it, she said: "Let's just do it. They will be just as curious to know why we arc there as we arc to know why they are there: E: They will, indeed. G: She said, -rhey are there because they are sending us a message." I asked her what the message was, and she said, "'The message is that we need you." I said, ·Anybody that is on drugs does not need me because I do not know what to do: Jn the first place, I am so a.fraid. E: Of drugs? Of people on drugs? G: Yes .• I am afraid of the people on drugs because they do not know two-thirds of the time what they are doing. This is the part that scares people. Sometimes if they are fond of dying. I do not think we have anybody up there like that. See, they have arrested so many people, and they are not in the area anymore. So these young people who desire to hang4out are not that bad. They are on their way, but there is a long distance between death and the beginning. Some of them could get well ii they had care. But where are we sending them'? This woman th.at used to work for me had a son that was on [drugs). She took him to Jacksonville twice, and nobody would take him. E: And we do not have a center here. - 54 - 0: No. You talk about the Charter House and all these things you see on television, but you have to have a lot of money. Most of those places are terribly expensive. E: That is what I thought. 0: She said, "Where would I get that kind of money?" I said, ·r thought they would take in the poor; but she said, "No, ma'am, they do not take in the poor." E: They are private organizations. 0: Private, very private. So if I could get Echo House in some kind of shape so that I know it would go on in the event of my demise, I think I c.ouJd be happy. I really do. E: Oh, I do not know. I think you would think of some other project. 0: You do not trust me? E: Well, I think as long as you are breathing you will have some project to work on. G: I am sure I will. It is just that I want so much to accomplish that. I can envision the carriage people bringing the tourists up to Lincolnville, bringing them down Martin Luther King, and saying, "Now, this is the place where a lot of black people put a lot in here to preserve their heritage." So many people tell me they have memorabilia that they want put in the house, but I do not dare take it because I am so afraid it will get lost with these crooks breaking windows and coming in when they get ready. So I have to have bars and alarm systems and all the stuff that goes with security. Plus I need a director. I need somebody there all the Hn1e, and that person has to be paid. And the person that is paid needs an assistant that also needs to be paid, so you are talking about some money. But like I said, l might go to sec [comedian Bill) Cosby and tell him what my situation is. E: Now, I forget your relationship with Cosby. 0: Johnnetta Cole, who is the president of Spelman [College in Atlanta), is married to my brother's son. E: This is your brother in Washington or the brother that is in Carolina? . 55. G: This is the brother that is in Carolina. Cosby gave Spelman $20 million. and I was there the night he presented the college with the $20 million. I was also back there for the wedding when Cosby wu a guest and made a toast to the bride and groom. E: You did not ask him for money then? 0 : No. no. They did not even allow you to ask him to pose ror a picture. But I told a friend that I did not think I could 1 .. ve the place until I got a picture of Cosby. She said, "You really do have to ask" I said: 'I had to go back to St. Augustine, and I have to have a picture of Cosby and me. You know I do." She laughed and I laughed. Johnnetta had told us the night before that he just wanted to be a guest at the wedding, that he did not want to be a celebrity. But you know how people do. They made him a celebrity anyway. But it did not take anything away from the wedding. Do you want to see piclures of me and Cosby? E: Sure.. I am going to have to leave in a few minutes, so let us end this. • 56.
Ku Klux Klan -- National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) -- Tallahassee, Fl. -- Florida Memorial College -- Florida A & M University -- Excelsior High School -- Ketterlinus Junior High School -- Murray High School -- East Coast Hospital -- Flagler Hospital -- Lincolnville -- Trinity Episcopal Church -- Ponce de Leon Hotel -- St. Paul AME Church -- Desegregation of St. Johns County Schools -- Sit-in -- Night March -- Florida Spring Project of the SCM and SCLC -- Easter Invasion -- Klan Assault on Robert Hayling -- Klan Rally -- Civil Rights Act of 1964 -- Shooting Death of William Kinard -- St. Augustine City Commission Election - Metadata URL:
- http://civilrights.flagler.edu/cdm/ref/collection/p15415coll1/id/1052
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- Proctor Library
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