- Collection:
- Civil Rights Library of St. Augustine
- Title:
- Michael Gannon : Transcribed Interview
- Creator:
- Gannon, Michael
Colburn, David - Contributor to Resource:
- Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, University of Florida
- Date of Original:
- 1900/2022
- Subject:
- Civil rights--United States--Florida
- People:
- Gannon, Michael, 1945-
Colburn, David R.
Brock, James, 1922-2007
Cafaro, Raymond
Hayling, Robert Bagner
Johnson, Lyndon B. (Lyndon Baines), 1908-1973
Kennedy, John F.
King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1929-1968
Lynch, Connie (Charles Conley), 1912-1972
Manucy, Holsted, 1919-1995
Mathis, Charles C., Jr.
Norris, Hardgrove
Peabody, Mary E. (Mary Elizabeth), 1891-1981
Walker, Frankie
Seymour, Charles
Shelley, Joseph, 1915-2007
Smathers, George A. (George Armistead), 1913-2007
Stoner, Jesse Benjamin, 1924-2005
Wolfe, H.E.
Burns, J.P.
Hurley, Joseph
Bailey, John, Sr. - Location:
- United States, Florida, 28.75054, -82.5001
- Medium:
- transcripts
- Type:
- Text
- Format:
- application/pdf
- Description:
- Interview with Michael Gannon, distinguished Florida historian. Gannon gives an in depth overview of the various groups that comprised St. Augustine and how each group felt about the civil rights movement in the city. Gannon discusses the role outsiders played during the Movement and the underlying factors that contributed to the violence during 1963-1964. Gannon discusses the roles various churches played in the Movement and the attitudes they held toward the Movement in general.
'· ----,- lA Interviewee: Michael Gannon Interviewer: 03vid Colburn ~~: - C: Mike, the last time we talked, I asked you the question about characterizing race relations tn St. Augustine prior to 1963. C: And I rememlSer saying t hat I thought on the whole, they were very good. Exceptionally good, except for what was the obvious prejudice of many wtti:t es toward blacks as being a minority race, and the fact t hat black.f.l for that reason, could not eat in the sam.e restaur ants. could not sleep in the same motels, could not use ~Y of the other public fac1l:ltles thot whites used. But in that, St. Augustine, as part of the South, was pa~ tfcipatin.g i n the general culture of tho South. But if you t~ko th4t general culture as a whole, I think that to the degree that it was poss·ible, the wfl~te people of St. Augustine had acheived a l!IOdus vivendi with black people that was exceptionally free of , of what, trouble, of abras ion and conflict. And as a matter of fac t, there was even a certain demonstrated affabil ity as, if you looked at the demography of the town, you could see that pr ior to 1963,blacks lived inter~per sed, intermingled among the white neishborhoods. While thei.r vere cert&in obviously black qua.rters of the city. there were also many other quarters where black housing existed side by side with white housing, with neither group averting to i t in any public wAy, end without any downgrading of property values and so on. So, I think that, overall , St. Augustine had acheived about as good a vorking relat ionship and l iving relationship, blacks and whites, es was echeived in t he South. c: Okay, t remember you mentioni ng that the l ast ti.Cle. That's one of the things I f ound very interesting, and rather unique about a Southern town, lA Page 2 sjm to see that there was very l itt le racial segregation in houaing. We also talked briefly about Dr. Joseph Shelley, vho ... ·as head of c·he, mayor of the commission and you were characterizing him, you vere discussing hie, and the other members of the coanission. Would you care to go over that again briefly? C: Alri.Sht. ~ell, first, i f t recall, I said that there were a number of i dentifiable social groups or classes or sets within the community and that there was very little social mobility frOC\ one t o the other. And i •f r could review those again, then I could place Joseph Shelley-. C: Fine, f ine. G: And t he general leadersht.p of the tovn within one of those groups. Now the first of those groups, I said, was the old, t · call them the old Engl±slt group, in that most of them have English names . are old ~irl'te An.glo~erJ:can fam.tlies dating bSs M~N'<~Y example was the m.an known as ~ m .. 1use / • C: Ah, he was a Minorcan? C: Oh yes ~ very much so. - hl111v· .. e.. was a man who lived out in the country, outside, but near St. Aug/;:stine, who averred to a CBS t elevision intervim.rer in these days tho.t. there were children running around his house whose naraes he didn't even know . Who organized geons to beat up the a group of bullies who went into tovn armed with blud-< l,....v •a.,., niggers and so forth, and so to assert ·hi tiilf And you know this is part of the general Southern story, there have been lower classes of whites sometimes called in popular language "poor white trash", who h•ve got their kicks out of beat ing on the group who was below them . lA Pose s sjm And in that way giving th~mselves some kind of social respectnbility-f/ OS:S . , , ' tl\4t there was somebody tha.t they were better than. And I think~ ~ and his ilk fell into that category. But I would hate for the ~t>SS Minorcans all to be painted with the same brush as we must paint ~ "*'~~=t There were other Minorcans, and are today whO are very enlighe-ened and vell- to-do, very successful fig:ur~6 . and they have done an inunense allOunt of good for St. Augustine. »ut that is a disttnct group. And by the way, talking about these groups, t his was such a tightly kni~ group of peopl e there was very little social intercourse between them and other groups. in the city. For exampl e, there was almost no sociol intercourse, not even social contact of any meaningful sort between tll.e Minorcans and the old Engli$h group . Now ~e come to the third group, and that is the professional and busin~sSlllan group. Nov here you have even a wider distribution of pc~ple, becauae the professional and businessm:en toget'her vit:h their famili.ea, were a very large. alaiost amorphous group, ~hich though\ they participated in the general Southern culture of St. Augustine, were oever really part of the old history of St. Augustine in the way that the old English were, and the Minorcans we.re. They ~ere people whose homes were in St. Augustine, who loved St. Augustine for its atmos-phere, for its environment, for the, the beach and, and the company that they formed with other friends that they found there. 8ut they were not necessarily people whose l ong time roots were in the city, although mnny o f thom did h..~vo roots w~th~n the city. And of course you cannot. you cannot draw an absolute distinction between the Minorcans and the professional and lA Page 6 sjm Business l!len, because in point of fact, there were some M1norcans aa:ong the professionals 3nd among the businessmen . But the professional people And the tius±ness people were generally a separate caste or group in that they tended to Delong to tho s.ame groups such as Rotary and Kiwanis, and they tended to 3Ssoct3te socially between and among each other. And if you taRe tHat professional and businessman group, you find almost no Minorcans in it, and you ftnd no old English i n it. So, I would identify this as a special group. And it' s this group that gave the c:1:vic lea dership to tl1e ci·ty over the course of 1118ny years , in this present centucy·, and ~ can go To<. B"ack to t hem in a ltttle bi't to talk about ~ Shelley. The fourth group is the group that I called farmers And fisherman. Pardon me, loborers, farmers and fishermen. Now here, you're getting close to a group that, whi1e 1t never really ar t icul~tcd its' attitude toward the blacks in a ny overt or public way prior to 1963, was ready to do so ~f pr essed. Because these were white people who, who had goals, attitudes, philosophies of their own. They were people of the earth, people of the sea. They were people who worked hard, who scraped for a living. Who had very few of the creature comports and many that the professional ~ of t he HJ}prcans had. and business people had, and the old English, In some respects you can say, they were i n frequent , 1f not constant competi tion with the blacks for ~ployment, al-though there never was a racial con(rontation over cmploytnent between the t~"O groups. This group became the most vociferous of the St. Augustiners in the black crisis of 1963-64. Still, it aiust be snid that this group was not the white group that fought in the streets. These were the people who criticized the blacks t'he loudest . These were the people who belonged I I lA Page 7 BjD to American Legion and the Oddf ellows and the Elks and groups such as tl\at had occasion to come together and co discuss these issues and to speak about the blacks once black militancy came to the surface. And they did so very strident tones , but they did not participate themselves in any of the, or I won' t say 1n any, but in, in much of the. activity that followed. Althousn thero may have been e l ement s of this group in the, in the probleai . C: Tl\ey we.ren't affil iated v:f:th Minuee's anctent ctty hunting club, then? C: Yes, SO'Ae of th~were, but most of the anctent c t ty hunting club C<'IJn.e. f rol!l outstdc the ctty, outside the ciy. I'm talking &bout the people within the city limi'.ts, now. The city of St . Augustine, because of the special point t hat r think needs to be made, namely that when St. August ine had tts violent confrontations, those confrontations occurred between groups, both of which came f r om. outside. But t here wer e people wit hin the city limits vho sympathized with some of the white actiViSl'll that took place, and this was the &roup - l aborers, farmers and , and fishermen. Then you have, of course, the bl ack$ . And they, the bl-0.cks had a, I thi nk a l ong t :ll!l.e and generally honorable history in the city. They took pride in the work they did. They had a certain esprit and they lived in a community that they loved . They wouldn't go anywhere else. They thought St. Augus tine was about as close to heaven as, as a black person in America, could , could f ind. And so I think the blacks were generally a contented group, and prior to the arrival of the, I don ' t vane to c~ll th~ oglt~tors because that's a l oaded term, but i t's the term that w3s used by th~ white group, until the -1 Page 8 sjm arrival of those who would sensitize them to their legitimate gripes in k:!erican society, these blacks lived generAlly contented l ife with their lot, and participated freely with vhite people in various things that th&y vere a1lowed to participate in • So those Are the five groups: old Engltsh, Minorcans, profQSSional and businessmen~ laborers, farmers and fishermen, and finally , blacks. NO\.!, it \r.lS that third group, the professional and businessmen who gave the city it$1 civic leadership. Not only because they were the members in the main of the city coantssion, And :oning board And other governing bodies, but they were the people of influence, who at the Kiwante Club and Rotary Club and various other gatheri~gs, social1 civic and fraternal, had the opportunity to say and do things thdt affected the direction of the city in total. It happened that in the early 1960' s. that St. Augustine, which has always been somewhat behind the times in just about everything, and by design, I might add, because there's consc.iously no' hurryin.g and scurrying in St. Aususttne. It happened that there was in the city a very active John Birch chapter, chapter of the John Birch Society. And this. you see, after the McCarthy era of the fifties, and whereas the ~ John Birch movement or the extreme conseNative or reactionary movement had been discredited 1n many quarters of Anerican life, it s till lived on with amazing strength Jn certain pockets of the South and the West , and St. Augustine vas certainly one of t hose pockets . The leaders of the J ohn Birch Society, ~nd therefore the leaders of the reactionary moveznent and therefore the people who were alwDys writing condemnatory l etters to the St. Augustine Record about the liberal or progressive direction th~ country was taking, the leaders were the physici.ans. They were the people like Hargrove Norris lA Page 9 ajm and Joseph ShQlley and Dr. caffaro, I forget his first nai:ie, but h01 s tn the directory, and others. That was a very vocal group. And the early 1960's vas a time of not very great political activity in St. Au-gustine, there were no special civic issues. The City was fairly much at peace, participating in general prosperity of the early sixties, tre-mendous tourist income, everybody was involved in m.ak:i:ng money. The only· people who ~ere t4lki113 ideology vere the people on the far ~ight: Hargrove Norris, Joseph Shelley and various others. C: If r can interrupt you for a second- G: Yeah, yeah. C: Do you have any idea why-there were three doctors-do you have anr idea why r tfiey were so con.seJyative? C: No, I don't and sometiody needs to do a study of that. Somel>ody needs to find that out . You're obviously the person, because I don't think anybody has really tried to determine. l us~ to ask, I was in school 1n those years, and, or I was over here at the, well, I was in school until '62, and then I was in St. Augustine my first in '63, and I used to ask r::ty mother; year back vhen I •·as: at the mission "How come all the phj.icians are mouthing all these things? What's, what's the.tr probleni?11 and so forth. But I don't reme::i.ber my moci:'s answer. Maybe she knovs, or she can point you to some people who will know, because she does know the people who know the answers to these questions . And that would be a very interesting thing to know. Well, at that particular time, there were a number of businessmen who exercised leadership in the community: There were three 1n particular. And all of thea, t hough citizens of St. Augustine, exerci.sed their authority and lA Page 10 SjD influence in different dio1ensions or spheres. For \l'e .... le.. example, t:a«'i- fope, vl'lo i·s a l ocal t ns-urance agent, was probably the most influential member of tlie Plortda Senate, beca·use not only of his natural talents as a leader '\/e'l'lc..- ond an orator, suc because of his seniority. ~ Pope was not an inno- " vativc l egi·slator. Shortly before his death, he ren\inisced that he got .very few ?>i·l ls pa.esed but he sure kil_led a hell of a lot of b8d bills. Tbat was tfie vay he put it. He wa.s known as the "lion of St. John's" 6ecause he came from St. John ' s county and he had a m.ane of white hair . And I knew him, I knew him well and honor and prize that friendship and lte, He was· a man who showed exceptional foresight, a progressive tccpcr of mind, and dtd a world of good not only for St. Augustine and St. John's County, Out for ttie st.ate of Flor1d4. The second person that t· would name wlto exerci sed exceptional leadership at thi.S time vas Herbert E. Wol fe. Herbert Wolfe was the chairmon of the Exchange Bank. He vas the president of the San M.arco Contracting Company, and also the owner of a large , sig-n. 1-ficant ranch. He h8.d immense political power, not only locally, but state-wide. He vas the treasurer for at least one governor ' s campaign fund, successful governor. He was successful in that the man ~-on the office. He contributed to the chests of a nwnber of other governors in their cmnpaigns. C: '/;:a'IR.;ope claims the Senate. in his memoir s that he helped sponsor Smathers campaign for G: That's right, I think he did. t think he did. I 'm quite sure that that ' s true. And so he, he held tremendous sway over local politics and local life. He ovncd a great amount of the city. As a matter of fact, a l ot of lA Page 11 sjm people feared Herbert WOlfe, and I think unreasonobly, because Herbert Wolfe ~s really very ethical, high-'mindcd and generous mtin with a s trong sense of community obligation. I think he 1 s been faulted unjus tly by many people for , for having intentions that I , I 1m not sure that Herbert E. Wolfe ever had, I always found him to be ~ gent.lemon, and a gentleman of htg& · ethical and tllOral standards . Well tn any event, he vas a man who pulled him.self up by his own bootstraps. He, I think I told you that story the l ast tine, which I c~r tainly wouldn't want to repeat for attribution, because it doesn ' t appear to do him any credit and it may not be altogether true, but he was plowing the far:m one day as a , as a young mAn and tfiere w.1.S a black sitting: on the fence watching hitn and Wolfe was having some dif ficulty turning the horse and the plow , or doing something, whatever , and the bl~ck was sitting on the fence and convincing a;nd telling him how to do it 6nd right then and there Herbert Wolfe quit plowing and walked away from the farm, and 84id, by God, he would never do anything else the rest of his life that a nigger could do better than him. So, he set out to do socne other things. And he was extremely successful at t hem. Toward the, he's still alive, as you know, and toward the end of his active public career , he was named the first c hairman of the Historic St. Augus tine Preservation Board. A Board which by strange irony, I'm chairman of , now. C: I didn't know that . G: And t his was reall y a very si3nificant work that he undertook. And he was sood at it. and he labored bard at it, and really did an except ional job at lA Page 12 sjm it. And St. Augustine ovee him the highest debt. As a matter of f3ct, j ust recently awarded hint the highest honor that the city can bestow, the · Order of La Florida. Only eight living peopl& can hold that award. They must be fifty-five y~rs of age and must have rendered truly distinguished sexvtce over the length of many years to the city ~nd only t~'O such people have 6een so honored, General Henry W'. McHi,llan, the recently· ·retiTed adjutant gener al and who's also a member of the Board noW', and Hertiert E. Wolfe, just two fllOnths ago. Well• those are two people who wielded pover. And then ve come dovn to the local level , strictly local level. And we find Joseph Shelley elected to the City Commission and then becoming mayor co~ mts&toner. Now I don't remember the systefl\ by which. the mayor commis&ione.r vas named. C: He's elected by the other members of the commis&sion. G: Re was? OkAy. I, I , I think that that's the way it was, that'·s i.y· re.col~ lect1on. And so Joe Shel1ey, either in turn, became mayor and unhappily was mayor dur~ng that time , or else he wos the first one of the new cOl!Uli&- sioning, I, I just don 1 t recall. I 'D sure you know or will find out. In any event, he was mayor at th~ timo of St. Augustine's trial, and he va3 he wa&, ha was the worst mayor that St. Augu3tine could httve had in that D:>Oment, because he was not a peacemaker, and be was not a mAn of vision, and he was not a man who, he was not a compassionate man. He was full of John Birch rhetoric and he was, his eyes were blinded by extreme right- wing ideo-logy. And he let things dissolve into chaos and violence and was not unduly perturbed when the violence happened. He was just the opposite of a civic leader. He was a c1v1cto1lower and of the worst order. I was, I vould always I lA Poge 13 SjQ felt fri endly with Joe Shelley and his wi fe, and I sympathized with them deeply wl\e.n thei r son ,.•as fatal ly wounded in Vi:etnam and Joe f l ew out to the Phillipi nes to the hospital to which his son had been brought 4nd worked with the physicians day and night, you know, to save his boy , but he died . Later on, when l was in Vietnam, and l did a series of articles , one of which was on the field hosp·t ·tal , Da Nang, which was a, just tile most terrible thing I ever saw- in my life. And I·, I vrote 1~ up, and it was syndicated, and Hrs. Shelley happened to read it in the newspaper, and she said , that was the hospital that her boy had been brought to. They've always felt a certain bond w'ith me for that ~eason, and, you know it's hard t ·O say ho.rd things about, about a man wh9se b'een through tha t agony, and I think that's affected hiD. I thi.nk he's, t· think the death of his boy really took a lot out of Joe Shelley. And then the subsequent peace, if you want to put it in his terms, defeat t hat OC• curred in Vietnam was a1so, I think, d isabled him oentally or emotionally. I understand he's in a very bad way right now. You know, when you think that your boy gave his, gave up his life for no thing, it has a, a terrible effect. When I vas in Vietnam, all the guys up on the front l ines, the grunts, the marines and the army guys, they, they all said their private ir.oments that the war mC4nt n<>thing to them at all. t hey saw no reason for it, it was senseless , it was use1ess, and I said,"Well, why A~e you fighting?", and they said ,"To keep my buddy alive." that vns the only reason. They weren' t fighting for Amer ica, they weren't fight ing for-to keep their buddy alive, that was the one thing. And, and then, t he second t hing on their list vas, "Because I'v& lost my best friend," or "Because my buddy' s died lA Page lt. Sjot fiere somewhere and I don't want their, the loss of theiT lives to, to 11eon nothita,g. I've got to give 1t a titeaning," you know, and so they kept fi:gh ting. And I think Joe's been that way and I th.ink he's just gone i-nto a pit because of it. A lot of parents experienced thi:s. Well, c "'-'fl'"' ~-t ,D., that's wily, you know, I 've got to speak charitably · · · &bout Joe Shelley. But how fte got i nto this, this bent of mind that he was in in the early sixties, I, I, I don't know. It was, i ·t wa.s the undoing of St. Augustine, that it did not have at the helm a man of insi&ht, a ·man of compassion, a man of courage, a C'll1J\ who would dare to go out and, you know, hol d back the contlice force, both c±ty force and county sheriff's force. Both were pitifull y undereducated, undertratned for what happened, and Joe Shelley failed . He vas not the only one who failed . the rest of the City Commission failed . Every civic leader failed . Unfortunately, as t said the last time, there had not yet 6 risen co the surface a civic leader such as John D. )laley proved to be in B the years immediatel y following this. Now John }laley was in the city at the time, but John was, he was young, he was a greenhorn in the city, he vas really just getting started. He had gotten his insurance company undet'V3.y. together with Peter Thompson, Tl.onrpson- Valey I nsurance Comp.any. And he was beginnin,s to test th~ ~aters of civic, you know, participation in civic affatrs. He was beginning to take an intere$t in politics and so for-th. After a these terrible years, '63-64, John f aley would thrust himself on the scene to try to 1,lave the city, which he did. And in 1965, h• was the mayor of the city and in the year afterwards, I think he wDs mayor, too. Page 15 sjm And ever si'llce then, he has been the conscience of the city, c1v1cally and polt ttcally. And if there's any one man I vould name as Mr. St. Augustine, it would be John D. !aley. It ' s, it's unfortunate for St. Augustine that he did not matur~~se events. there were some other people who, okay, I'm talking about that group of professiona1 and JSustnessmen. Tl\ere were some, I'll talk about John ~oley and certain otHer$ wfio were up at the top of the list of peopl e who could have done somethiug. Unfortunately, the people who ho.d the influence and the power· and the momentUfl'I were the people at the lower rank of the professional and Busi~ess group. And Joseph Shelley was one, and another was NoDle Putt Calhoun, Noble Putnatn Calhoun. And if you want to know about wf\J:te ractsm from t&c professional and businessman's standpoint, in other ~ords, at the bottom of that stratum, talk to Noble J?utt Calhoun. ~ knev Putt very early on, because at the close, well i t's in the last year of the Second World War, I vas working at a radio station, I was a disc jockey and sports announcer and war analyst and everything else at WFOY, the only station in town. WFOY, wonderful fountain of youth, 1240 on your dial. And toward the end of my year there, a man came to work at the station, Putt Clahoun. Putt had just been discharged from the military, an early dis-charge. for what reason I don't remember, and Putt was a real southern guy, you know in those days, two hundred and fifty watt stations didn't Void have much pick on your announcers. The normativel\in American radio was what was called the Chicago voice. And that was because radio ini-, originated in Chicago. And in the 1920's, early '30's, when the networks first started, the voices that the American population identified with big ttm0 lA Page 16 sjm rad.to were tlie people who hod the Chicago voice, and when the net\.-ork headquarters tlloved to New York, the Chicago voice aovQd to New York. There was, in the early years. there was never a New York announcer on the air f ·t:'Qm New York, they were all Chicago net"10rks . Md $0, in: al1, as a ·C'llltter of fact, that prevails even today. If you, i f you turn on a soutftern radio station i n any consnunity·of any· si~e, you'll never .he•r a southern voice, Very interesting. C: I've noticed that. G: Yeah. Southern peopl e always want to hear a Chicago voice . Fasc in at~g. Nobody's ever done a study -on this. I talked aDout it for years, but i t's tact that nobody really hat! studied. W'ell,Noble Putt C8-lhou.n, though, had a ~ery deep Southern drawl and it always l>othe~ed me, Decause I could never understand how Alan Brown, the manager of the station would hire Putt Cal-houn. But Putt worked there as an announcer doing mostly cormnercials. I did all tfre DJ wor k, and I did Touchton's Telcqui:z and Today.'s War Cooun.entary. and all kinds of other nonsense. And Putt did most ly cotmtercials, and I· remember one day on this DJ show I had, the 12-40 club. It was the middl e of the m.ayora1ty race. This was in 1945, the spring of, about this time, 1945. There \o'ilS a 11Utn running for tn'1yor, Wa1ter B. Frazier, who had been a pover in St. Augustine. He owned the Fountain of Youth, he owned the oldest tlom one day when I was working there and~said, be lA Page 18 safd, ""-'hat are you do1ng appealing to the niggers? What are you doing appealing to those n.1.ggers • those blick, stinking niggers?11 And that's the first time I've ever hc.nrd anyone in St. Augustine talk •bout blacks t~t way. Later on t found out that Putt had been in Australia the same time Steve O'Connell was in Australia and they knew each other. And Steve was teaching physical ed to a, to the troops, teaching them sports and keeping in condition. Putt Calhoun was a captain in charge of a company of Bl.a.ck soldiers. And it got to him, socehov. And Putt said a few things over the air, too, after this, which really gave me pause. I was \o'Orried al>out tl\i-s. Well, when all of this came to the surface, Putt'·s racism came. to the surface, too. And I m~n in a big way. And Putt ~s a me:inber of the Trinity Episcopal Church and a member of the vestry, and that will give you a clue to a pri1D8ry force in the vest~y ' s decision to keep the niggers out. So tl\at shows you a low point there, that professional and busineaSD.en. C: Well- G: I went o long vay. C: Right, well, we're about to leave '63 and go on into '64 and I think talk about the emergence, the ent(ance of King. Before we do, I wanted to ask you, the l.ast time we talked, you said that you didn't think anybody in St. Aug~stine thought anything serious ~'Ould happen in '64~ despite the events of '63. C: ~"h hum, C: I was ~ond~ring if, in other words, I guess you're saying that they didn't take that Florida !dvisory fOmmission oQ Civil Rights vhich came to St. Au- < - lA Page 19 sjm gustine in Augiust and made a number of recOllll:lendations to t he U.S. C.ivfl R±ghts Con:rntsston. I guess they didn't t .ake their observations seriously. Basically what they said vas to halt the spending of, ap-propri~ ting of federal funds for the 400th anniversary. They mentioned the dtscr1:mtnat1on out at Patrchild- St"'i tis Corporation, they =entiooed di'scrimination wf'th±o St. Augustine. But apparentl y, most of St . Augustine di~n ' t pay much attention to that report. G: That's tnie, that's true. And they felt that these were the Same kinds of reports that vere being made about every city in the south. So St. Augustine dtd not, at that time, feel itself especially singled out. Al-tliou. gh i ·t, there were certain elements in the city that became very ner ·vous when the 400th annivers.oey was meii.tioned. C: Ul\ fium. C: ! v3s one of those. C: Right. How about the, the flcrida East Coast Railroad strike, which started in February, actually $tarted, excuso oo, seartod in January of '63, and "'<>uld, would lost about two years. G: Maybe even more. C: Did that have any- yeah, right. Even "longer. C: It took more, oh yeah, more than that, C: Right . C: I think it's the longest strike in American history. C: Right . Now, did that have any influence on people in St. Augustine? Were many eaployed by Florida &<1st Coast? C: Oh, yes, it had a lot of influence on the people. There were tremendous 1A Page 20 sjm numbers of people in St. Augustine wbo were, ~-ell, tremendous, I don't know. But a large number of people who were employed at the Florida East Coast Railway headquarters and that had always been a stable industry in the tovn. Th.at aad the Miller Shops of the Florida East Coast Rail way, the o4> ~ Killer locomotive shops , you can still see the remains opposite the Ponce de Leon Motor Lodge across Route 1. They were primary source of jo&s tn St. Augustine. And the headquarters still is. But I don't re~ ber that there was any connection between the strike and the civil rights pYoolem. s,+lr-n)'.> C: Ok4y . Do you think, do you think it sitrred up feelings in St. Augustine, or it left a floating body of unemploye.d loose who could be mobilized in an anti-civil rights cause. C: I ~'Ould say yes, ±f r knc~ that those two event s ~ere conjoined, because t· don't know. C: Right. C: But I think your reasoning is very good ond l , I never thought of that before. C: Okay. The other, one of the other things tha.t happe.ned 1n '&.-. (end of sideI_ SIDE 2 C: - drawing infere,nces, in that rr.ost of the. violence that occurred vas at night, when all working people were free. C: Right . Cood point, good point. Another event in '63 that might have gone unnoticed by most St. Augustinians but it didn' t go unnoticed by blacks in particular, I've found reference to in the, considerable reference to in the lA Page 21 sjm Florida Star News, the Jacksonville black newspaper and the Pittsburgh Courriet' , the national black newspaper. And that was the impr:l:sonmenc of four young black$ f rom St. Augustine, teen- agers, vho took, who vere invol""!d i n the Ha.ling-led protests of '63. They were under;aged. They were taken from their parents by Judge. Mathis and put in jail, and then we.nt to t ile federal, ~cuse me, the s tate prison$ for teenagers. One at Marianna, l believe, and I'm not sure where the other ones were. Two girls and two Ooys . And this, was this, did this go unno tic ~d by· mostT>? C: I don't, r remember that, but I guess it went generally unnoticed. ~obody ralli·ed to the side of those , those boys. And Raley him.self was some.- thing of a newcomer. Quite, quite a rcmark86le and C.re upset, or whose plans are. are threatened or damaged or destroyed by a necessary socital change. I think I had o lot of trouDle wtth Kins on one count in parti·cular. And yet it may have been necessary to hi·s tactics. lle at'ougfit in demonstrators from Atlanta and elsewh e~e, to do the marcl\ing. He drogooneld. corcatn local people, mostly yout hs from Flor1da Memorial College to morch with his people and those aarches were conducted in King style in a peaceful manner, but st.ill very. loudly 1n such a way· as to cause real concern, . i'f not fright among oonr of the citt-zcns of the c~ty . And my mother I· remember, was one who was terrtfi~d. I used to llave to go and s tay in t he house with her at ni'ght . We'd pull the blinds and turn out, leave the lights out and so £orth, as the groups of blacks \o'Ould go by s houting and singing and yelling and so forth and there were other ladies, llWlny of thet!'I living alone who vere just frightened out of t heir wits by t hi s . Nothing like this h3d ever happened in St. Augustine, and they were, they were real1y frightened. I r emember that. And then l remember , on the other side the violent white me.n who Calltl(? in from outside the city, armed with their truncheons and their clubs, their chains and hov ~1•kl in the nighttime theynf all upon these lines of young black people and beat thea and see the young blacks running screaming and yelling from the scene and then I knew that the, the vhol e m.atter was &oing r apidly out of hand. It vas a shameful display. The only thing I could think of to justify what ,_ lA Page 26 sjm r was vteving was t he fact that the people on both sides were from out of t cn.u, as nearly as I could t ell. St. August ine had become a battleground, a kind of Antio for t~"O armies, neither of which was Italian. And I 've spoken about the failure of the, oh, well, I'll,I 'll stay w±tn the Ol4cks for a while now. Martin Luther King used to so into the black areas of the city and the black neighborhoods and decand money from, frOCl the people there. And you' l l find bl acks in the city today who 'll tell you ho~ he end his people went erouod and demanded peo ~ ple' s entire w(Ufare checks for this enterprise. After a tim.e, it didn't take long , the black people in St. Augustine became very d±senchanted vtt h -Mar tin Lutlter King, and they dtdn't support him, many of them. Mayb~ even ·most , ltut then agai'1l, you'd better talk to the bl acks. And I , I met blacks vho would not talk about, didn't want anything to do with him, fel t trum-melled and ashamed, dispirited about the whole thing. And t hat 's what I thought was the tregedy. That Martin Luther King wes, the tragedy for St . Augus tine, not £or the blacks in general, but the tragedy f or St. Augus tine was that Mar t"in Luther King was using the bl ack people of St.. August ine i n a way that was not scr vill3 chem at all, in the short run. In the long run of cour se i t would , and i n a vay that everybody in the c ity thought was bringing ruin upon the city, and was provoking unnecessar i ly the vi olence that woe tokin3 place in the street\!.' And t hen soon, eventuolly you had the classi c confrontation of black leaders and then such clowns as J.B. Stone and Lynch and various other r acist s who came t o town t o, to, t o pr~ach their garbage. And there' s no ques tion in retrospect that Martin Luther King saved the bl ack people of America, or he was largel y responsible for it. And lA Page 27 ojm many of the rtgbts that the people of, black people of this country had 111 consequence of the passage of the Civi'l Rights LaW' and other lavs th'at f oll oved soon aftorvcal"ds , tMt the resiponsibili•ty for that is la.rgcly his and he deserves to be credited by history for t hat. But th4t does not remove the dileirma, the irony, the anom.aly, ~ha tever it is, certainl y. the tragedy of one ctty havi.ng to be destroyed. in a sense, that that m.i'glit liappe.n. Do you knov what I· mean? C: Ul\ fium. G: In other vords, I 'm not saying t hat Martin Luther Ki:ng set out to do an evil thing, co manipulate a c ity for ev-tl purposCb"', no. lfe. se.t out to use the city for noble purposes . But that city went down the d~~i~ for those purposes-. C: Can 1' ask you, whtle. "1C1Te here, we're a little. ahead of ourselves, ti"m~ wi&e, but why, vhat vere race rel ations like after he left? Did they just deteriorate completely, or how vould you characterize them? G: They became very bad after he left. Where they' d been tvo tether con.genial groups, now looked at each other a$ across a no man's land. \lhites were afraid to be seen speaking to bl acks, working wi th blacks. Blacks kept a very l ov profi1e, let it be known that they hnd nothing to do 'With Martin Luther King' s wor k& and thoughts. It W3S, it was a · tragic t ime. Now the fighting in the street$, I saw 4 lot of that fighting. Now in r etrospect, I wish to hell I 'd had t he mor al courage to do something about it, but I didn't. And I'll tell you why. I would have been shipped out of town by my bishop 1mmed1.ately. Now I, I put the blame on myself initially for not having tr~cd to do tQO~e than l did. l re.member President Currier of Florida 1A Page 28 sjm Mcoortal College once said something that was very generous, but I don' t tllink true, he satd: I· vas the only vhite 11\intster \;'ho stood up for the &lacks in those days. And maybe that happened, but if, if tt did happen ~t happened in tather quiet remarks that I made or things that I aay have trted to do of an obscure nature. But there was an opportuni ty· for me to have. to have ttic-d to do souething:. and X didn 1·c do it. And I· didn't: do it , because I ~'<>uld have lost everything t ltat I'd ~-orkcd for at the miect on and I would have lost m;y own presence in the city~ l' vould ~ave been shipped out of tovn the next day. the man who had t he cure of souls, the cure antmarum for St. Augustine, was Monseignur John P. Burns who is nov c·he pastor of St. Patrick's Church here in Gainesville. C: Right, right. G: And Burns locked himself in the rectory and hid from men's eyes. 1 rcmeeiber --- ---·---- lA Page 29 sja once in the middle of violence in the Plaza, looking up at the rectory wi.ndow and s3w him with the curtain drawn, looking out and then closing the curtain. And I'll never for get t hat. That was, that w•s the symb01 to me of the church's ca.re for what happened in St. Augustine in those days. C: Hov many &lacks were Catholic in St. Augustine? G: I don't know, but a pretty good number . I would say may8e what ftve bun~ dred, may&e, something like that. C: Uh Jluft, that would be a pretty good number. G: Yeah. C: How a.Bout tfie rest of the religious le.aders, Mike_ while we.''I'e talkf,n& about the Catl\ol:tc Cfrurcn, let'& talk aSout the others at the Silme time. were they doins 4nything? G: No, the white churches. No, the , I' l l get to the Episcopal story in a moment, but I'd like to just stay on Hurley for just a second . C: Okay. C: I remember when Archbishop Hurley arrived at, from o flight on an airport, at :):M,~ airport ut Ja;ckaonville, Martin Luther King litid just gotten off of another plane, and Hurley and the, King were 1n the lobby of :Im..tso~ > a very small lobby at t he same time. And Hurley raced and hid behind a pillar, and said,"Don't let that man see me." So he really hid from this, he, he was afraid. Subsequently, he wrote a sert!')Qn for Monseignur Burns to give in the cathedral and it was the most abstract, cliche- ridden, ethereal sermon you ever heard about . You know, do good and avoid evil . Obey the ten commandments and if everybody does that, everything will take care of lA Page 30 sjm J:tself, whi·ch was a way of just separating himself utterly froa the sttuation and doing it, you know. in such a way that everybody could applaud it, you knov. and so on, for, for saying all the rtght things. Well, ftc said right things, but they had no application to, to the sttuation at hand. And I was no better. I'm criticizing him, but I was no bett~r . tn retrospect, I should have laid my wtiole career and job on the line, and gone out in the s treets and tri·ed to do some:thing to, to stop. C: Wl\y do you suppose ~e acted in a, what you call a cowardly fashion? Is there any specific reason? C: Yeah, I think I know exactly. But you have to know a little bit about Josepll P. Ht,1rley, who's n very complex character, one of the 1aost fasciMtt-ng of the people i'n twenti'eth century Florida h1~story·.. And incredibly ACcompli'SOc.d and incredibly powerful man in Florida life. culture, politics. Well, Hurley was burned a couple of times . He started out, he started out in l ife as a, an assistant p~stor in Cleveland, Ohio, caught. the fancy of the bishop of the diocese, Mooney, who decided to make him his secretary. And Mooney was nomed Papal delegate, papal nuncio, to India, and took Hurley along. Hurley became secretary of the nuncioture in New Delhi, and then later. Mooney was transferred to Japan. All of this in the thirties. Then Mooney was named to Rome as head of the America.n desk at the Secreta;'ry of State of t he Vatican, and Hurley was left behind in 1'okyo as charge d' affaire. Then Mooney was translated to this country and named cardinal ArChbishop of Detroit and Hurley went to Rome, succeeding Mooney ae h~d of the American desk. And Hurley becrune a very strong anti-Nazi. Very interesting. I found OtLt: lA . Poge 31 •jm a lot of things about him by accident and I rem.ember, I resncmber on~ day, excuse this diversion, but one day in the 19SO's, I was skiing in St.ritzerland at Crindelwald and I was on, up on Mt. FUrst and watching ttie pre-Olympic skiers in their slalom trials . And I noticed a man up the slope, who I thought, whom I thought I recogniz~, and I went \IJ) and t· staid, "Exc1>se t1te 1 but are you, by any ch:tnce, Slr Arnold Lunt?" And fle a vowed that he was, and I said, "Do you•.?", oh, he. asked me vhere I was froo and I sai~ St. Augustine and that I was a secinariao stUdying in Belgiuu and so forth, and he said, "Isn't that vhere that remark.al>le man, Joseph P. Hurley went?0 , 1n his B·rittsh accmt, and 1· said,"Ye!>. " And he said, "Oh, I rcme=ber him well," ~e sa£d. "I was a coJ."respondent for the Daily Mail in 1939 in :Rome and my paper asked .~e to be on the alert for any Vatican people who said anything at all ·ab"out the Nazi·s. And one evening l was· listening to Vatican radio and on come~ tl.'ds Amertcan Monsefgnur, this Joseph P. Hurley, the head of American desk and the Secretary of State, blasting the .Nazis, just excoriating them up and down. And it was the first time there had ever been a public statement about the Nazis outside of a few very formal statements of the Popes themselves. So I ic:media.tely interviewed this man, and found him to be cxtraord1nti.ry.' Then var broke out .ind nurley "'·as named co St. Augustine, and when he arrived 1n Sc. Au.sustine , it ws the expecto.tion of the Amel:ican church that he was going to be the new great American churctrnan, the new Cardinal Gibbons, a man of e.xtr~ordinary courase. All, almost all of Hurl ey's beloog~ngs were sunk by German submarines. They had coi:ae over on another boat and the boat went down. He lost most of his things, but he lA Page 32 sja arrived here shortly after, about six months his arrival at St . Augustine he was, he was asked by the NBC program, the Catholic Hour, the radio pro-gre111, the Catholic Bour, to give a talk. And he gave a talk. And the talk was ago.inst Nazi Germany. A.nd this was in 1940, and when the talk ended, Cetholtc Bour received tl'IOre Mil than it had ever received before, and almos t all of i:t, against Hurley. Almost all of itT from Cathol ic Irishmen. C: Ah, yes. C: lr~sh Americans. And I remcsnbe.r , I , I, I saw all of that, r have mi:crof±lm of all that correspondence, because Hurley kept it. there was something perverse about him in this sense th3t he kept all bod m.a.11, a.nd there were boxes of it and I have it a11 microfilmed. And I r emember or(> letter in particular from a wotD.1n in his home town of Cleveland, a letter that said, "To think that Minnie Hurl ey's ~y would stoop to ltck a. hitisb jock. " And Hurley wos, wos dcvo&t#ted by this. Nothing like th.is had ever happened. Ile had ridden the crest of succe.ss all his life. And all of a sudden, boom, the whole country, down on him. It, it, it killed his spiri~for a long while. He wrote a letter to Cardinal Mooney, just a, a weeping latter, I have a copy of it. And, in 1940. Well, then the war was over, and the man for whom he had worked as Secretary of State was now Pope, Fucell1, Pope Pius XII . And Pius Xll at the end of the ""ar, named Hurley Papal Nuncio to Yugoslavia, a very difficult problem there de.a.ling with the Communists, Tito, t he Croatians and the Slavs and al.l. of that . And F\lcelli knew of Hurley's talents and naoed him, and Hurley did a fantastic job at the trial of Cardinal Stapenok and others, he wa.s heavily invol ved. And lA Page 33 sjm he earned the wrath of Tito for standing up for the Catholic people and s t and.tog up for justice and so forth , and he was really bltck in his el.ement again, and, and on the crest once more and then he did an incrediSly stupid thing. He took his aide, McNulty, J ·ohn McNul ty, he and Mch'ulty l eft tugos lavi~ to go on vacation ot Lugano in Switzerland. And when t hey went to return, t he border gwrds did not al.low them back in. And Hurley said, ''But I 'm the Papa1 Nuncio." They said ,"We're sorry.0 See, once he was out of the country, Tito was under no obligation to let him back in . And Hur ley went to Rome, and Pius Xll refused to sec him. And he remained in Rome in a condition of shame and disgrace for months when f inally Fucell± made him an archbishop ad persona, meaning he ~as an archbishop, but in t t tle and rank without having archbishop' s territory or uu thor ity, and gave bina a gold chalice wtth, encrusted with .jewels, and sent h.tm Back to St. Augustine, vhere he arrived. And t'hat was a way· of saving face for Hurley. But Hurley knew that he was in disgrace and be, he never lived it down . And he never did another courageous thing in his life. And when he hid behind t he pillar in.Imeson Airport, it all fell in place. But he was the man who could have saved St. Augustine and I could have helped hiD and others could have holped hiJl'I. 8ut .he did not have the courage, and alas, neither did I, because I was, I was saying to myself,"Discretion is the better part of valor. and I ' l l be able to carry on things and keep thea going. Don ' t be foolhardy, don't lose everything. Try to work behind the scenes." And subsequently l did try to work behind the scenes. And &o, on one occasion, after the city had just gone completely to pieces, by the way Hurley wasn ' t the only one " lA Pat• 34 sjm who was hiding. 1 re=ember one day, one night, I was standing in a doorway in the darkness watching the violence in the s t reets, watching Lynett and Stoner ranting, wetchtng the blacks marchJ.n.g by~ vAtching the whi-tes tome in wi'th the1T clubs nnd clubl>ing, watching the poli·ce try· to do this, watc hing the CBS camer4men taking it al1 in, the bright lights and so on. Watching this whole frightful scene from this blackened cor~er of a door11ay on King Str~et and a figure came, came up and sort of scurried by me into the next door\lay. And after a while I looked around to see who it was, and it was General Henry W. MacMillan, adjut4nt general of the State of Florida, also watching from afar, you know? C: Uh huh. G: Well, in any event, the, I guess the one, I, I went to see Shell ey. appalled by what was happening and ashamed that nobody was doing ontthing con-structive, and I , I put together and 1, I meant to find it in time to give to you today. but I'll find it , put together a statem.ent called 11 A J)ecla"r&tion of Good Will" to oxpress the, to give expre1;1sion to the voice of both the white 6nd thta black co1munities, as I saw it. And I begged Joseph Shelley to sell this to this, to the population of the city. to reverse the terrible publicity the city was suffering from and to stand up for an objective, careful, fair look at the, the rights that were being demanded and so on. And I went to his office and I presented it to him a~d he reDd it, and I begged his to do something. and he refused to budge. The only thing he said to me in reply was, 11lfov come the niggers oll ride around i n- '', I don't know if he said niggers, Negroes, niggers, he didn't say blacks in any event, because that wasn't the popular parl.ance at that 11 lA Page 35 sjm poi.nt. "How come they all ·drive ar ound in big cars'?" That was his r esponse. And I've always remembered that. So, then I remember we had the quadracentennial- C: I wonder if I could get you on the other churches for a second. C: Yeah, oh yeah that's right. C: 1 don't mean to belafior that- G: I ne~ to gee to th0 otfter churches. C: lf l •, l''11a just curious as to why the, yo~ gi.yc. ~e. ~ sood t'cnsc of vhtlt G: was happening'. tthe Cntholic Church, buc t , I think the other rolig1ous leaders had an o8ligatton, too, whJ:ch they l et go by~ and I wonder if ve could just talk about that for a mtnute. \).'\I-:~~ \ Well, for one thing . ~. the reason why thei;e vas a s tronger obliga tion on the Catholic clergy to do something than on the others, was because the Catholic priests were not subject to the vote of their congregations. But the P'rotestant churches were . And they could dismiss their pastor just like th.at. And it would be a very rare white Protestant minister who would st.and up ~nd say something, U he knew it was violently opp0sed to the will and opinion of his congregation. He'd be out of his job the next corning. C: Right. G: Now, the only vhite priest or minister who did Pother Bullock of, and vhat is his first name, £p1scopal Church. C: You, you mean, Seymour, Charles Seymour? G: Or was it Seymour, Charles Seymour? anything of that sort .:wa!\-.. v•"' ---~ I 'll ramember it,~of trinity lA Page 36 sjm C: Yeah, Charles- Seymour, r ight . G: That's right. Hts predeceasor. I think. C: Yeah, Bullock, Bullock vas, Bullock followed Seymour. C: Bullock followed Seymou<- C: Right. C: After Seymour left. Seyiaour stood up, against his vestry. C: Right. G: To petm±t the blacks to enter, it w3s Seymour. C: That's right . G: And, that was a courageous· act . Ile '"·as S\lPPOl'ted in that by his bjshop, whtch was more than Archbishop Hurley did for h~s catholic counterparts ·wfl'o mi ght nave done the same thing. And Seymour wos the only one, th.e only one who made an issue of admitting blacks freely i nto his church to worship. And his, his vestry opposed him, and Seymour left, under what circumstances, I forget. Don't know i f he waa- C: He went to Nev Orl eans after t hat, I'm not sure if he was called by a parrish down t here or exactly what . But , he, he's t here now, I beli~ve . G: You know, you should try to talk with hio and you should talk with Puck Calhoun and members of the vestry. I can give yO\l names of l ots of people to whou you could talk in St. August ine. And I'd like for you to tolk to my mother's block ataid . if ohe w1ll agree to do it. But if she doesn't, she'll put you in touch with people who will. Louise, Louise was shocked by wha t Martin Luther King did . And, but she was also shocked by vhat the whites did, and at one point, oh yes, Martin Luther King told the black lA Page 37 sjm W'Olilen, tfle maids, not to go to work for the white iamilies, not to $how up. Loui:se did anyway. She was one of the few be.cause she snuck through tlie back streets to get to oy mother's house, and- C: So tltere was tremendous- pressure on the blacks. C: OR, tr<=endoua, yeah. C: Okay. C: One, on one of thOse trips to my mother's house, Louise was assaulted by Ku 10.ux Klnnners who gr abbed her and dragged her into an automobile and sfte clawed herself away and ran. An old woman, too. She can tell you, if she'll open up, if she knovs that it won't be vritten-she's still scared. C: Is that ri.gbt? G: If you menttoned her this, she's still scared. That's why, you know, we'd have to be very deltc4.tc a.bout this, but, and 1£ she know& that she ~-ould never 6e quoted. She's so afraid, she lives in fear still, because of this and • •• Well, in any event, there's, not too many black, there are not too many church people, and there were, I think Charles Purrier at Florida Memorial was the wisest black in town. And the person who tried to do the most to keep things peaceful. But there were no •. whites wbo. whites eit her powerful or lay who took a , you knov really substantive, f'Gt dership. of lea- C: It's getting late and I know you're getting tired, so I figure maybe one more question and we'll call it quits. But, when it really got violent, we~e any of the, were. any of the businessmen· who could see that, that businesses were being 1.trtpa~red, affected by the racial conflict and the riots in the city, were any of them beginning to mobilize behind the scenes to put lA Page 38 sjm pressure on Shelley and, and government and the others on the commission? C: I , that's a question I can't answer . I don't know. C: Uh huh. Okay. C: I don' t r -e1Dealier. I remember, you know, it: was, what wtl& it, Brock- C: Jrunes Br ock. C: James Brock who vas really in the forefront, 1 chink you mentioned this the lase time, the fore front of the local motel operators in trying t o do something about bl ack rights. And he was going to make a motion at tl\e f orthcoming meeting of the llotel and Motel Association of Florida wh_i'C" he was president of that year t o open up mot e l s and hotels to blacks. And it was an irony that he, by 3 qui-rk, \.'OS singled out as 4 vicious white r aci st. You see, St. Augustine was filled with these i~ontes. It seemed the harder you t ried to do one thing, the more you were painted with a brush for being t he other thing. And Brock i s a classic case. By the way, he' a back in town and has bought ___ _ C: Oh, is he really? C: He 's bought it. He ovns ft . C: How about A.H. Tibolt and the St. August ine Record . They seenwd to provide minimal leadership during this whole period of time. C: Yeah, well , that 's the story of that paper throughout i t s ' history. I wAS once the sports editor of that paper when I was in high school. It was Q joke. The paper was a joke then and it's a joke now. It's never done anything. The radio stations s~larly. Although Frankie Walker, I would say, Frankie Walker, in her vay, has done more than any media person in St. Augustine, in those years and afterwards to alert people to what was actually u Page 39 sjm happening . And Frankie has a , she has n high sense of what's right aod what's wrong. She voul d be 4 good person co talk with.
Ancient City Gun Club -- Ancient City Hunting Club -- John Birch Society -- Ku Klux Klan -- National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) -- Florida Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights -- WFOY -- St. Augustine City Commission -- St. Augustine Four -- St. Augustine Historical Society -- St. Augustine Police Department -- St. Augustine Record -- St. Johns County Sheriff's Office -- Castillo de San Marcos -- Florida Memorial College -- Old Slave Market -- Tallahassee, Fl. -- Trinity Episcopal Church -- Jacksonville, Fl. -- Gainesville, Fl. -- St. Patrick's Church -- Tampa, Fl. -- Arrest of Mary Peabody -- Civil Rights Act of 1964 -- Civil Rights Rally -- Civil Rights March -- Clash Between civil rights Workers and Segregationists -- Klan March -- Klan Rally -- Night March -- St. Augustine Quadricentennial Celebration - Metadata URL:
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