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As a domestic and social question, therefore, the white people of Virginia should fight the attempt to impose negro suffrage upon this state as provided in the proposed “constitution.”— When a man finds his home on fire, he calls all his domestics to assist in extinguishing the flames, and if they should refuse to aid him, would he no longer retain them in his employment? Our political house is on fire, and we urge our fellow-citizens to [unreadable text] their domestic and all other employees to [unreadable text] the flames. We deny that congress has the right to make the negroes ‘voters,’ but we had not the power to prevent congress [unreadable text] to do it. We are denied our constitutional [unreadable text] of testing the validity of this act of congress, but we will have a method to make it comparatively inoperative. Let us say to the negroes: We don’t want you to vote for our[unreadable text], because we do not think you are [unreadable text] to vote at all. We will not require you to vote [unreadable text] direct. But we will compel you to stay away from the polls, remain at home. [unreadable text] do the work we employed you to do, [unreadable text] will get no further employment from us. This is a simple plan, and will [unreadable text] the “vote for the ‘constitution’” to the [unreadable text] of 40,000 or 50,000 if adopted by the white man of Virginia. Let us try it. – Richmond [unreadable text]. Arkansas Gazette, July 14, 1868"],"dc_format":["application/pdf"],"dcterms_identifier":null,"dcterms_language":null,"dcterms_publisher":["Fayetteville, Ark. : University of Arkansas Libraries"],"dc_relation":null,"dc_right":["http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/"],"dcterms_is_part_of":["Arkansas Gazette, July 14, 1868"],"dcterms_subject":["African Americans--Arkansas","Civil rights--Arkansas","Race discrimination--Arkansas","Segregation--Arkansas"],"dcterms_title":["Negro Suffrage Not a Matter of Political Principle"],"dcterms_type":["Text"],"dcterms_provenance":["University of Arkansas, Fayetteville. 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In the northern states where it is not so vital in its local relations as with us, it is in some sort an abstract political question , but it has little or no strength when viewed in that aspect. Very few persons in the north are in favor of enfranchising the negroes as a matter of principle, and they comprise only the small handful of [faustics?] who believe in the absolute equality of all races, and the consequent equal rights of all in all things. The only reason why the radical party desire the negroes to vote is that they may vote the radical ticket. If, the white men of the south succeed in making the negroes vote as they direct, there will be no party in this country as clamorous for disfranchising the negroes as these very radicals—And we may frankly add that if the northern democracy believed that we could make them vote the democratic ticket, they would no more protest against letting the negroes vote that the radicals do. Negro suffrage therefore, involves no principle upon which two great parties may take opposite departures in pursuance of policy, but is in the political contests of the day in some sense what a strategic point is to hostile armies on the battlefield. By means of secret associations the radicals first got possession of this element of voting strength, and then they gave it political vitality only that they might use it against their opponents. They are now upholding it as the means to overcome opposition in the north, and they hope to make up for the loss of northern votes in the presidential electoral college next fall by counting those that they obtain through negro suffrage in the south. That is the philosophy of negro suffrage as it appears to the minds of radical leaders in the north. The adventurers in the south who uphold it are actuated by motives exactly similar. There is no party in this country really in favor of negro suffrage as an abstract political principle. Southern opposition to allowing the negroes to vote is, however, a matter of vital principle, the mere surrender of which will subvert the entire fabric of our civilization. For, the moment we admit the negro’s right to right to vote, we enter the path which leads us down to his level in the social and domestic arena. We soon become suitors for his support, and white candidates for office will be required to stand hand in hand suppliants for negro votes. When that state of things comes, the places of public honor can only be filled by negroes and ignorant, depraved and unprincipled white fellows, for none other will aspire to election by the masses of a race [unreadable text] and debased. And if negro suffrage be permanently imposed upon the south this condition will certainly come upon us, because of the [numerous?] voting strength of the negroes in all the southern states. Put the ignorant and debased men of any community at the head of its public affairs and of course that community becomes intolerable to all respectable and refined residents. Thus it is, that with the southern white people negro suffrage can never become a political issue, or in any sense a party question on which white men may divide. It is essentially, absolutely and directly a question of domestic, industrial and social concern on which all stand together by those ties of blood which unite all men of the same race to each other. And, it is because “blood is thicker than water,” that the white population of the south are [unreadable text] in opposing negro suffrage. 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