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|Creator:||Boone, Raymond H.|
|Title:||Interview with Raymond H. Boone|
|Date:||2003 Mar. 21|
Raymond H. Boone, founder, editor and publisher of the Richmond Free Press discussed: the role of education in his life; growing up in Suffolk, Virginia; John Mitchell and the Richmond Planet; the Richmond Afro American; the Frederick Douglass Fellowships (designed to recruit and train black journalists); the role of the black press; Massive Resistance; Housing Opportunities Made Equal (HOME); and Virginia Governor Mills Godwin.
This interview was conducted March 21, 2003 at the Virginia Historical Society in Richmond. Ronald E. Carrington, President of Media Consultants Global, Inc. of Richmond, was the director-producer of the video taping and interviewed the interviewees. Historian Dr. Betsy Brinson conducted preliminary oral interviews. The text of the oral history was transcribed by Halasz Reporting and Video, Richmond. Other editing by the staff in Special Collections and Archives, VCU Libraries.
CARRINGTON: May I have your name please and what you do, your profession?
BOONE: My name is Raymond H. Boone, and I'm founder, editor and publisher of the Richmond Free Press.
CARRINGTON: Now, where did you grow up, Mr. Boone?
BOONE: I grew up in Suffolk, Virginia, in the late thirties, 1938 is when I was born there, under extremely harsh conditions, segregated conditions. I was blessed by two things: Number one, having a family that stressed education, and stressing that segregation could be overcome by education; and also I was blessed with a school, although it was a school that offered classrooms for two classes, and a pot belly stove, it was a very good school, and I attribute a lot of whatever success that I have achieved to that school because it emphasized the strength of education and it offered a strong education. But at the same time, whatever progress that most of us have made, that progress has been made not because of the system, but in spite of the system.
CARRINGTON: What were some of your experiences in your school that gave you that feeling that, you know, you knew what you wanted to do, where you wanted to go?
BOONE: Well, it was emphasized that education was the key to breaking the barriers of segregation. It was preached that you could be segregated physically but you could not be segregated mentally, and that you had to be better than the other people so to speak, and if you -- if you did well in education and you were disciplined that you could overcome the tremendous barriers that faced you.
CARRINGTON: What were some of your interests in school when you were young?
BOONE: Well of course, because of the school environment, a lot of -- and the neighborhood environment, although it was a very poor neighborhood, and although it was very segregated, there was high emphasis placed on education. The school only had four rooms, with eight classes. But at the same time, there was -- when you are young, you really don't have much of a frame of reference, so the frame of reference that was instilled in me was one of always studying, so there was tremendous emphasis on study, and so we spent a lot of time with books that were available. And that was a problem because in my area there was not a public library open to people of color. And even in the high schools, the library had very few books, and the library really was not a library because they were holding classes in the library. So it was a very challenging situation. And of course when it came to biology classes, you did not have the equipment or the microscopes to practice experiments, so we went against many challenges but because of this emphasis on a can-do spirit and in many instances youngsters not knowing any different will only think that school was for learning so there was high emphasis on that.
But at the same time there was high emphasis on sports, and of course you asked me what I did other than go to school, of course I played a lot of sports, as much as I could. And of course when Jackie Robinson came on the scene that was extremely uplifting. It gave tremendous hope. It was a cause for black America to feel good about itself and to feel as if -- to show white America that black America could perform. So Jackie Robinson entering baseball did a lot to knock down barriers, but also from a morale standpoint it made a whole community feel that it could persist, it could show the other side that we could prevail, and we could play sports.
You know, at one time there was a view that black people could not play major-league baseball, or any professional sports, and certainly they could not play the role of quarterback in football. I know that sounds unreal today when you look at the high population of black sports celebrities.
CARRINGTON: Let me ask you this; you are a newspaper man?
CARRINGTON: When did you find out that writing, reporting, investigating was part of your nature?
BOONE: Well, the first time came, I believe, when one of my teachers told me that I could write. And on another occasion, there was a poetry contest county wide, and my teacher encouraged me to participate in it. I did it and I won.
Then when I went to high school, there was -- there had never been a school newspaper, there had never been a school yearbook. And I had seen other schools, high schools in particular, that had newspapers and had yearbooks. So I saw that as an opportunity to put our school on the map, so to speak, and I saw it as an opportunity for me to know more about this field.
At the same time, the sports pages of the daily newspaper were not running black sports or anything related to black schools. So I went to the newspaper, and spoke to a gentleman who was a sports editor by the name of Spike Moore. And Spike said well if you can write and if you can meet deadlines, we will review it and if it is good we'll run it.
So I covered sports activities while I was in high school for the daily newspaper, and they noticed that it was getting great readership, so rather than being -- my stories being placed on what was called the colored pages, the stories ran on the sports pages, so that was something of a breakthrough.
You see, newspapers to a large degree ignored the principles of journalism of being fair. Instead, they promoted segregation, and they promoted what was popular rather than honoring the First Amendment which stands for giving free expression to all segments of the community. All of that was ignored. Indeed, the press in my home town as well as across the country abused the First Amendment rather than honoring the First Amendment.
CARRINGTON: Now you wrote for a mainstream newspaper.
CARRINGTON: Was there any irony to that?
BOONE: Yes. Actually, after I got out of high school and while I was attending Norfolk State at the same time I was writing for the daily newspaper, writing for what was called the colored section, wherein they would pull out certain pages and insert the colored page, and also write-in sports so that was a contradiction there.
But at the same time, I had the opportunity to not only write for the Suffolk News Herald but also for the AP. What happened was, and this is ironic, and unreal, the state NAACP met in Suffolk, and Richmond AP's office called to the Suffolk News Herald, and of course this was on a weekend, and the publisher called me and said we got a call from the AP, and they need a story filed to Richmond. So I said I'll be happy to do that. At the same time I was president of the Youth in College Chapter of the NAACP and highly involved in the NAACP, but at the same time what I tried to do is report a story which was based on fact, a story that would stand up to journalistic standards, because it has always been my belief if the story were told, we would not have the many problems that we experience in race relations in this country. As a matter of fact, it is my view that you can trace the racial problems to two sources; number one, the lack of education. For instance, if you look at it from a scientific standpoint there is a great fallacy in the proposition that -- the segregationist's proposition that black people are inferior or people of color are inferior, therefore, there's the justification for segregation and discrimination.
The second problem is related to resistance to American ideas. If you were to go back to slavery you would find that there's a tremendous conflict with all men are created equal. If you go to the period of discrimination and segregation, that is a -- there is a conflict with the American ideology and the American practice. So I think if you look at any problem in America you will find that they can be traced to the lack of education, or intelligence or to tremendous resistance to American ideas or even the Constitution.
CARRINGTON: And let me ask you about your AP story. You didn't finish that. Somebody called you, the editor called you, said there was an opportunity. Why did he call you? I mean, he's got all these people in the news room who probably were more experienced than you are; why did he call you?
BOONE: Well, newspaper men and women are like everybody else, they like their weekends off, and so there I was available, and of course the publisher knew that I would be at the NAACP convention so I presume he just didn't want to tell Richmond that his paper couldn't do it, and so he gave me the assignment, and that's how it happened. I don't think it was any desire to make sure that I had any opportunity. It was just a convenient thing to do at that moment.
CARRINGTON: You spoke about this a second ago, newspaper's responsibility. Here we are in the Civil Rights movement. What was the role of African American newspapers in Virginia in the Civil Rights movement that was going on in Virginia? What did they do?
BOONE: Well, I think you have to understand historically, history as well as the content of newspapers has been written from a white perspective. That meant, number one, that whatever system or whatever power of the moment were in place those publications denying or disregarding the role of newspapers in a democratic society simply went along to get along. It did not follow the rules of journalism. And this has contributed to tremendous misunderstanding. It has contributed to conflict because you only got one side of the story. As a matter of fact, in many instances, black people only made the papers if they were involved in crime. That would be a big, page-one story in the daily newspapers.
But it did not tell about the suffering of black people under that system. It did not tell about the denial of opportunity. It did not tell about the insults. It did not tell about the conflict of life in a segregated society versus the promises of America. So the black press was founded with the mission of telling the other side of the story, to be a protest instrument against injustices. Indeed, it was founded with the idea or with the mission to encourage or force America to fulfill its promises.
So the black press has had a tremendously glorious history. As a matter of fact, it was a black reporter with the Afro-American newspapers, along with CBS, who laid the groundwork for reporters to be able to cover events that were considered off limits such as the war today. It was Bill Worthy's pioneering or trail-blazing efforts that contributed to that. Bill Worthy went to mainland China against the will of the State Department, against the will of John Foster Dulles, and he was challenged by the government, but he still wrote stories from China. Then later he went to Cuba to cover the overthrow of Batista and that -- Batista, of course, was a puppet of the U.S. government and prior -- and of course Fidel Castro was the person who overthrew Batista. So much of what you are seeing on television today regarding the war is related to what William Worthy did during the Eisenhower administration. So -- but the black press told the story in an effort to bring some balance to the picture.
And one of the greatest journalists and really an unsung hero is John Mitchell who was the editor, the courageous editor of the Richmond Planet. And John Mitchell not only had a powerful crusading pen, but he was active in all aspects of the community and he drew attention on an international scale for his efforts to knock down racial barriers, and he was even involved in the banking community, he was the only black member of the American Banking Association, and he grabbed page one headlines when he went to New York. He made page one in the New York Times for protesting the economic injustices against black people. And of course he was very instrumental in, and he was a towering figure in politics, running on what was called the Lilly Black Ticket for governor. And also he tore down or knocked down the barriers on street car segregation -- trolley car segregation in Richmond. So John Mitchell to a large degree has been written out of history as so many other black heroes have been written out of history. Paul Robeson is a good example of that. So the black press has made a strong effort to bring balance to newspapers as well as to literature in general, because what has happened is what Carter G. Woodson, the father of black history, calls the miseducation of the Negro. Of course, what we are having now is -- what happened then was also not only the miseducation of the Negro but the miseducation of white people, also. And this is happening today, wherein, we have a major threat in terms of monopoly journalism wherein newspapers and other media are more concerned about the audiences of advertisers than they are concerned about the entire community. And what this means is that many people, black and white, their concerns are being left out, including elderly people, including poor people, because the advertisers are not looking for poor people, they are not looking for elderly people as sources of revenue or a market. So this has tremendous negative implications for our entire society. It also threatens a democracy because you cannot have a democracy without an informed electorate. And we now are not getting as balanced a picture as we should in terms of what is going on because the majority of our media is driven by the dollar and not by the public trust or the public interest or the special privileges that are given to media. In other words, the media are not living up to their responsibilities.
CARRINGTON: Let me ask you something on that. You are editor of the Richmond Afro during some of the turbulent times in Richmond and you reported -- the newspaper reported on what was going on in terms of Massive Resistance, public accommodations. What were some of the special stories that the Afro did or some of the stories that you remember very vividly that as you helped the crusade for equal rights in Richmond and in the State of Virginia?
BOONE: Well, I think one of the things that we did when I was editor that had not been done before was the heavy concentration on politics and governance. We confronted the governor of Virginia about issues in the black community, so when the governor, and this was particularly the case with Mills Godwin, who certainly had been a part or was a part of the oppressive Byrd Machine, which as you know was anti equal rights, anti voting rights, and was not progressive at all, and it was that machine that certainly retarded the state to a large degree.
Of course, we would not allow Governor Godwin to forget that he had contributed to that disastrous, that deplorable history of Virginia. And so I made sure that I would be at each one of of his press conferences to ask him about issues that directly related to the black community.
And of course, it was not uncommon during that time for racial slurs to be hurled around the place, so that -- Capitol Square, and of course that even meant the governor would use such terminology in referring to black people, he would call them negras.
And so on one occasion when he did that I gave him something of a lesson in terms of how to say negro. I told him I was somewhat surprised that he had considered himself urbane, and that he considered himself a graduate of -- that he was a graduate of one of our finer universities, yet he could not articulate the word "Negro." So I told him that if he could say "hero" and I think he would acknowledge that he could say that, and if he could say "zero," then he could say Negro. So in the end the governor, I never heard him use that racial slur after that lesson that we gave in a press conference.
And as a matter of fact, he was very tactful in making oblique references to race, but I guess you could call it code language, but certainly I guess that was an advancement.
CARRINGTON: He was from your neck of the woods, I understand. What was your relationship with him?
BOONE: Well, I had known Governor Godwin since I was a youngster in my teens. Of course, I had read about him in connection with Massive Resistance, and the Byrd Machine, and that was largely because of another unsung hero by the name of Moses Riddick who was a pioneer in voter registration. And during that period, it was very -- during the fifties it was very dangerous to talk voter registration and voting in the black community. As a matter of fact, Mr. Riddick was a target, he was shot upon, and simply because he promoted the precious right or the utilization of the precious right of voter registration. So that was the -- kind of his presence in my home town greatly influenced me in terms of understanding the power of the vote and how precious the vote is, which leads me to another condition and which is rather distressing and disappointing and that is we are not using the vote to the extent that we should, and that's across the board. And that, too, is a threat to democracy because you cannot have a democracy if people are not participating, if people are not voting.
Concerning voting, we tried to carry beyond the political arena, and when I say "we," I speak of the Richmond Free Press, we tell our readers to vote each day, in other words, to vote with their dollar. And that is a powerful weapon or instrument. If you patronize those businesses which offer you a fair deal or a square deal I can tell you they will give you more respect.
The truth of the matter is in terms of economic power black people have a considerable amount. All you have to do is look at the -- the number of customers that are in many businesses across the country. If you were to remove the black buying power these businesses would collapse.
CARRINGTON: That is true.
CARRINGTON: You organized the Frederick Douglass Fellowship. When did that happen and why did you do that?
BOONE: That happened after the human rebellions.
CARRINGTON: And I need you to go back. You need to state what it is because they are not going to hear me. They are going to hear you.
BOONE: Yes. Yes. Ask the question again.
CARRINGTON: You organized the Frederick Douglass Fellowship. Why did you do it and what was it suppose to do?
BOONE: Yes. I organized the Frederick Douglass Fellowships. That was designed to recruit and train black journalists. That stemmed from the documentation that was -- or the findings that came out in the Kerner Commission Report after the riots in the sixties. What happened then was when the cities were exploding in a rebellion against unjustices, white reporters were barred from the ghetto.
Black people said, no, you are not coming in to cover us because you are an extension of the establishment which oppresses us. Now, that was a very astute observation, and it was made by the average person, but it got a tremendous response, not only from the government, the federal government, but also from the newspaper industry itself. It said, the newspaper industry said we cannot cover these kind of events unless we have black people or black reporters, so those rebellious black people served to open the door of opportunity in news rooms in an industry that is one of the most discriminatory in America.
So it goes back to what Frederick Douglass said, and that is, in order to bring about change, you have to agitate, agitate, agitate, you have to protest injustices, but at the same time, you do have to have the intellect as well as a game plan to achieve the goals that you set out to achieve.
CARRINGTON: Now, when you started this, how many people did you have in your first group, and what happened to them?
BOONE: Yeah. Well, that's very interesting. The the Frederick Douglass program was sponsored by both the Afro -- Richmond Afro-American newspaper as well as the human -- the Virginia Human Rights Council -- Human Relations Council, and it was in response to the findings of the Kerner Commission Report. So there's a gentleman who headed the Human Relations Council by the name of Frank Adams.
So Frank and I teamed up together and wrote a proposal to the Ford Foundation using the Kerner Commission Report findings on the media and how the media had contributed to these human explosions so the proposal went to the Ford Foundation, and it so happened, and this was a stroke of luck that Leslie Granger who was the Executive Director of the National Urban League had visited my home, and he was going to a meeting in Kappa Hosig, and that's where a lot of meetings were held in connection with discussions or retreats to deal with issues related to the black community.
At any rate, Lester Granger asked me, what are you doing these days that are exciting? And I said, well, we have a proposal before the Ford Foundation which would open opportunities to the young black people.
And he said, well, who did you send it to? And as I recall, it was a Mr. Goodman at the Ford Foundation in New York. And so Lester Granger told me, why don't you just make preparations for that? I'm going to see Mr. Goodman on a Mediterranean trip next week, and so we'll discuss that and I am pretty certain that he will give it an okay.
Well, as you, during that period Lester Granger was very influential in the corporate community, and so after the -- I guess a day or two after the cruise ended and Mr. Goodman was back in New York he called me and said, make preparations for the launching of the Frederick Douglass program. So that's how it happened.
As to the enrollees, we had people from Texas and Canada and across the United States. A good representation. I think we had about 18 or 20 people, young people. One person, believe it or not, had been in prison, and he was released with the understanding that he would join our program. Then we had -- another young man who joined the program who ended up being the senior editor for Time magazine, Jack White. And then we had another person who became involved in the black press.
And so all of them turned out being rather successful, largely because it was a rigorous program, and they were exposed to the top news people in the country. Bill Worthy was one of the lecturers and who was a part of the program who flew down from Boston at that time. Bill Raspberry from the Washington Post was invited to participate in the program from an instructional standpoint. And then of course we had the talented people from both -- from all of the papers in the Afro-American chain, which during that time consisted of 13 separate editions.
CARRINGTON: You had a gentleman named Howard Carwile working for you.
BOONE: That's correct.
CARRINGTON: What kind of newspaper man was he and what was his story from newspapers to politics?
BOONE: Well, Howard had always been involved in the political arena. He was very vocal. He was very -- extremely passionate, and at one time in his career, the early part of his career he was always opposing the Byrd Machine. He was always opposing conservative -- extreme -- well, segregationist candidates, so that gave him broad appeal in the black community because here was a white man who challenged the Byrd Machine in the same way that black people did, so he was viewed as something of an ally. At the same time Howard, I think, enhanced his law practice in the black community by taking those positions. But I sincerely believe that in the early part of his life he was committed to democratic principles, he was committed to racial justice.
Now, to get it moving to his becoming what you described as a newspaper person, we invited him when I was editor of the Afro-American, Richmond Afro-American, to contribute a column on a weekly basis. And for a period of time, I guess, a year, he continued along his what you would call liberal lines, or he showed a liberal proclivity, then all of a sudden when the political atmosphere changed and he started counting numbers, he did an about face. And when that happened, of course, we decided -- I decided that we could no longer use our valuable space for a Howard Carwile column.
So -- and during that time he was on City Council, and it just so happened that I appeared before City Council on an issue not related to the column, but to another issue, but Howard Carwile introduced the fact that he no longer worked for the Afro-American newspaper, and he no longer -- his column had been discontinued by me. And he said, well, you are only paying me $15.00 a week to write the column a week at any rate, so my response was, I paid you what it was worth.
And -- but these were exciting times, and -- but we were committed to bring some balance to the news, and the opinion arenas, and the -- Howard Carwile 's approach during the latter part of his life certainly did not fit in our formula. It did not contribute to balancing opinion. It certainly simply reinforced the same old, same old. And of course, most of us know that unless you have disruption of the status quo, black people or no oppressed people can move forward. It is important to have change in order for all opportunities to open.
CARRINGTON: Now, let's turn to another one of the issues that you have focused on, and that's housing. Why was the HOME lawsuit or that litigation important to the black community?
BOONE: Well, housing is, and still is in Richmond and across the country one of the most segregated areas of life. That was particularly the case during the period that I was editor of the Richmond Afro American.
If you wanted to buy a house, because of racist practices and policies you could not buy a house if you were -- if you were black. So certainly that was inconsistent with the American ideal of fair play. So not only should black people be credited with the founding of HOME, or Housing Opportunities Made Equal, but white people to a large degree took a leadership role in that.
As a matter of fact, I am pleased to report, also, that my wife was -- Jean Patterson Boone was involved in that -- in the founding of that organization, and -- but segregation in housing was a very pervasive as well as an ugly situation and unfair situation in Richmond.
CARRINGTON: When you look at Civil Rights in Richmond, and especially in the sixties, what were some of the positive changes, and what were some of the negative things that happened?
BOONE: Well, in Richmond economic discrimination was a characteristic as it is today. As you know, in trying to resist the 1954 Supreme Court decision that outlawed segregation in public schools, one of the tactics of the white establishment was to identify people, black people who were employed by the white community or the white establishment, and if they were pro Civil Rights or pro desegregation they would be fired. So the economic hammer was used to frustrate the Civil Rights movement.
Also, when it came to jobs, it seems almost unimaginable but to find black clerks in department stores was a rarity, and at city hall, and at the state capital there were no black public officials, so you were in a sea of white power, and you were at the mercy in many instances of white power, which meant that you were segregated, and if you were segregated, that meant, generally speaking, that you were discriminated against. You paid the same price as a white person paid for a ticket, in terms of transportation, but you were segregated against. You paid the same price as a white person paid to go to a baseball game, but there was a segregated area. You could never think about sitting behind home plate.
When it came to wages, even if you were a teacher, there were segregated wages which meant that white teachers would get, always get paid more than black teachers. So it was a tremendously oppressive situation. It was a situation which sewed the seeds of rebellion and it caused people to say we got to do something about this. And you mentioned the Crusade for Voters. The founding of the Crusade for Voters was a a rebellion against injustices, in politics, in government, wherein black people were maliciously excluded through Byrd Machine type policies.
And this is why the vote should not be taken for granted. The Voting Rights Act was -- 1965 Voting Rights Act was one of the strongest strokes that advanced black rights because it caused politicians to give some attention to black people because black people had a vote, and votes determine the outcome of an election.
Of course, when you look at Supreme Court decisions, or litigation or legislation you would have to say the 1954 Supreme Court decision that outlawed segregation in public schools was the most important which put this country on a new track, which put -- changed the system that crushed official segregation to a large degree.
And of course this is what Virginia recognized, and this is why Richmond newspapers took such an ugly and despicable position against Supreme Court decision through what was called Massive Resistance wherein they would rather close down schools rather than to desegregate them. This is one of the most deplorable chapters of Virginia history. It is a cause for you to hold your head in shame, it is a cause for you to recognize that the hypocrisy of this state in terms of being part of a nation which stands for equality and justice, which stands for democracy, which requires participation of people in government, which requires an educated electorate. Not only does a true democracy require participation, but it requires informed participation, but if you do not educate your citizens or your people, you cannot meet the requirement of a democracy.
CARRINGTON: If you had an opportunity to talk to those young kids out there, and you do have that opportunity, what would you tell them, how would you advise them to keep not only the spirit of the Civil Rights movement going, but also to make sure that it moves toward that ultimate goal of equality across the board in the United States?
BOONE: Well, I think understanding history is very important, to understand that there are greater opportunities than there were, and that those opportunities did not come easy, and because they have inherited these opportunities our young people have the obligation and the responsibility to build on that progress, indeed, to make certain that many of these rights and opportunities are not stripped away.
At the same time, they should put no ceilings on their aspirations or dreams and know that they can soar to the heights of any group of people. That would be my advice. At the same time I think they should look for balance in life and understand that you can -- you should be able to enjoy life, but at the same time take care of business first.
Another important trend that has developed is monopoly across the board, and it is my view that monopoly is an enemy of all people. Whenever there is not competition, the consumer or the citizens suffers.
Now, let me give you examples of monopoly in three areas. If you look to Washington, you do not have checks and balance to a great degree because the power is in the hand of one party. All three branches of the government, they are controlled by one party. If you look in the banking industry, you see the tremendous mergers wherein in Richmond in particular you have a situation where -- a vacuum cleaner situation where in all of the resources in Richmond or the money in Richmond is siphoned out of Richmond and it goes to Atlanta and it goes to other headquarters of these banks that really do not take Richmond seriously or not are not concerned about Richmond.
Then you have the challenge, monopoly challenge related to the media wherein a handful of people control the media. And this is very important, as I said, is really -- well, it is not -- it is important, but it is also very frightening because it means that a handful of people control ideas, and what news is, and why is that frightening? Because news and information are power. They control attitudes or shape attitudes. They also influence decisions, so if you have a handful of people who are driven by dollars, who are driven by a conservative point of view that cannot help but strengthen forces of oppression. So we all need to be aware of the threat of monopoly across the board.
CARRINGTON: Thank you, sir.
BOONE: It's been a pleasure.
CARRINGTON: All right.
|Types:||Moving images | Oral histories|
|Subjects:||Boone, Raymond H.--Interviews | Godwin, Mills E. (Mills Edwin), 1914-1999 | African Americans--Virginia--Interviews | Civil rights movements--Virginia | Virginia--Race relations--History--20th century | African Americans--Virginia--Education | African Americans--Virginia--Suffolk--History--20th century | African American newspaper editors--Virginia--Richmond | African American journalists--Virginia | School integration--Massive resistance movement--Virginia | Government, Resistance to--Virginia--History--20th century | Governors--Virginia | Housing Opportunities Made Equal (Organization : Richmond, Va.) | Discrimination in housing--Virginia--Richmond | Discrimination in education--Virginia | Virginia | Suffolk (Va.) | Richmond (Va.)|
|Collection:||Voices of Freedom: The Virginia Civil Rights Movement|
|Institution:||Virginia Commonwealth University Libraries|
|Contributors:||Carrington, Ronald E. | Virginia Commonwealth University Libraries | Virginia Civil Rights Movement Video Initiative|
|Persistent Link to Item:||http://dig.library.vcu.edu/u?/voices,0|